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Bharat Hindus International Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) United States USA
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RSS Addresses US Forums on Technology, Innovation and Leadership: A Civilisational Vision for the Future of Humanity

Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies (CIHS) is pleased to release its latest brief, RSS Addresses US Forums on Technology, Innovation and Leadership: A Civilisational Vision for the Future of Humanity, documenting the engagements of RSS Sarkaryavah Dattatreya Hosabale at THRIVE 2026, Stanford Faculty Club, and at the Hudson Institute, Washington D.C., in April 2026. Coinciding with the centenary of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), these engagements marked one of the most substantive transatlantic conversations on Indian civilisational thought in recent years. The brief brings together, in considered depth, the views articulated by RSS Sarkaryavah Dattatreya Hosabale across both forums: the philosophy of oneness rooted in Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the coexistence of tradition and modernity, the three-fold lens of economy, ecology, and ethics for evaluating technology, the distinctive ethos of seva (service), the centenary vision of Panch Parivartan, and the role of the Indian diaspora as a natural bridge between two democracies.Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), these engagements marked one of the most substantive transatlantic conversations on Indian civilisational thought in recent years. The brief brings toge We invite scholars, policymakers, and engaged readers to download the full brief below. [Download the full brief here]

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Bharat Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) World
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RSS in US: Civilizational Bridge @100

Without losing Bharatiya identity, diaspora can become vital link with host nation by demonstrating its complete commitment. Arun Anand Commemorating its centennial, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has begun a serious conversation with a bevy of stakeholders in the West especially the United States and Europe. As part of its global outreach, RSS General Secretary Dattatreya Hosabale undertook a significant visit to United States in April 2026. It’s more than a routine diaspora engagement. This tour represented a carefully crafted civilisational outreach—one that combined reflection on a hundred-year journey with a forward-looking articulation of Bharat’s intellectual and cultural role in a rapidly transforming world. At a time when global discourse is increasingly shaped by technology, geopolitics and identity debates, Hosabale’s visit sought to position the RSS not merely as an Indian organisation but as a participant in a wider philosophical conversation about humanity’s future. Civilizational Dialogue in Silicon Valley The intellectual centre piece of the visit was Hosabale’s address at Stanford University during the Thrive 2026 conference. Speaking before an audience comprising technologists, entrepreneurs and members of the Indian diaspora, he framed his intervention around a central proposition: that modern technological advancement must be guided by deeper ethical and civilisational wisdom. Drawing from Indic traditions, he argued that knowledge systems in India have historically refused to separate the spiritual from the scientific. Ancient texts, including the Upanishads, were presented not merely as theological works but as repositories of inquiry into the nature of the human mind, the cosmos, and existence itself. In this view, the fragmentation of knowledge into rigid categories science versus spirituality is a relatively recent phenomenon. Hosabale suggested that this integrated approach offers valuable insights in an age defined by artificial intelligence, ecological stress, and social inequality. He advocated what he termed a “holistic lifestyle,” contrasting it with excesses of consumerism and unchecked technological ambition. The emphasis was not on rejecting modernity, but on anchoring it within a broader ethical framework. At the heart of this framework lies the idea of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the belief that the world is one family. Hosabale presented this not as a rhetorical flourish, but as a practical principle for navigating global fragmentation and conflict. Science, Knowledge & Civilisation A key theme that ran through his address was the need to revisit and revitalise Indic knowledge systems. Centuries of disruption particularly during protracted periods of foreign rule led to erosion and marginalisation of indigenous intellectual traditions, he averred. As a result, many scientific ideas embedded within cultural and spiritual texts were either forgotten or dismissed as superstition. Today, he argued, there is a renewed effort in India to recover and systematise this knowledge. Education, in this context, becomes central, not merely as a means of economic advancement but as a tool for reconnecting society with its intellectual heritage. Hosabale emphasised that scientific inquiry and spirituality were not opposing forces. Rather, they complement and enrich each other. Historically, scholars engaged in both domains simultaneously, integrating empirical observation with philosophical reflection. This integrated approach also carries ethical implications. He proposed that any technology intended for human welfare must be evaluated on three touchstones: economy, ecology and ethics. Technological progress that generates inequality, exploits nature or violates moral norms, he warned, ultimately undermines both society and the environment. Equally significant was his emphasis on democratization of knowledge. While knowledge production has accelerated globally, access to it remains uneven. A truly equitable world, in his view, requires insights from all civilizations that be shared widely, enabling a more balanced and inclusive global order. Redefining Diaspora Role Beyond intellectual discourse, Hosabale’s engagement with Indian diaspora carried a clear and pragmatic message. Addressing gatherings in Silicon Valley, he urged Indian-origin communities to demonstrate complete commitment to countries they inhabit. For the diaspora, he stated, contributing to progress and well-being of their host nation is basic dharma. This articulation is significant in contemporary debates around identity and belonging. Rather than encouraging a divided loyalty, Hosabale advocated a model of integration rooted in responsibility and participation. At the same time, he encouraged diaspora to remain connected to Bharat’s cultural and civilisational values. This dual identity, being fully American while retaining an Indian cultural consciousness was presented as strength rather than a contradiction. In effect, the diaspora becomes a bridge: grounded locally, yet carrying a global civilisational perspective. Path Ahead: Balancing Extremes A recurring thread throughout the visit was call for balance. Hosabale warned against dangers of an unrestrained race for technological dominance, one that prioritises speed and scale over sustainability and human well-being. He argued that traditional Indian thought offers a corrective: a worldview that emphasises harmony with nature, respect for all forms of life and an understanding of interconnectedness of existence. This perspective, he suggested, is particularly relevant in addressing contemporary challenges such as climate change and social fragmentation. The concept of “knowledge guided by wisdom” emerged as a central motif. Knowledge, when divorced from ethical judgment, can lead to arrogance and exploitation. When guided by discernment, viveka, it becomes a force for collective good. Conclusion Dattatreya Hosabale’s 2026 visit to the United States was not merely a commemorative exercise marking RSS centenary. It was an attempt to articulate a vision, one that situates Indian civilizational thought within global debates on technology, ecology and human coexistence. By engaging with Indian diaspora and intellectual communities in Silicon Valley, RSS signalled its intent to participate more actively in shaping global narratives. The emphasis on loyalty to host nations, cultural rootedness and ethical balance reflects a nuanced approach to globalisation, one that seeks integration without loss of identity. (Author is a senior journalist & columnist. He has authored more than a dozen books)

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Bharat Disinformation Hindus Human Rights Misinformation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
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Rebuttal of USCIRF India Entry and Issue Update on Alleged Religious Persecution

Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies (CIHS) has released a comprehensive rebuttal of the USCIRF Annual Report 2026 and its accompanying Issue Update on India. The rebuttal finds that USCIRF’s recommendation to designate India a Country of Particular Concern rests on methodological failures, unsourced assertions, and recommendations disconnected from the document’s own findings. Most strikingly, the report proposes sanctioning Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the world’s largest voluntary organisation and India’s Research and Analysis Wing without a single evidentiary basis anywhere in its text. CIHS concludes that documents of this kind, issued under the authority of a U.S. government commission, do not serve the cause of religious freedom. They damage the mutual respect on which one of the world’s most consequential democratic partnerships depends.

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It’s By Design and Agenda!
Bharat Disinformation Hindus Misinformation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
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It’s By Design and Agenda!

Write up in The Diplomat, CSRR report against Hindus, RSS & Bharat’s diaspora is factually incorrect, misleading & spreads fear! Madhusudhana Hebbar A write up in The Diplomat, titled “Decoding Hindutva’s US Operations,” published on October 27, 2025 attempts to unveil what it portrays as a network of Hindu nationalist organizations in United States, allegedly tied to India’s Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and purportedly pose a threat to American equality and religious pluralism. Drawing extensively from May 2025 report by Rutgers University’s Center for Security, Race, and Rights (CSRR), titled “Hindutva in America: A Threat to Equality and Religious Pluralism,” the piece labels Hindutva as a “supremacist” ideology comparable to fascism or white supremacy. But the article is marred by factual inaccuracies, logical inconsistencies; innuendos and a biased narrative that stigmatizes Hindu Americans. CSRR report itself has been questioned for its methodological flaws, including cherry-picking evidence, false equivalences and lack of community input. The report and the article wrongly portray cultural pride as supremacy while ignoring Hindutva’s roots in inclusivity and principles like vasudhaiva kutumbakam (the world is one family). A core inconsistency emerges in the article’s handling of RSS connections internationally. While the write up cites RSS website on not having any affiliates abroad, it still adventures to bracket Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh as RSS international wing. Factually, there are no formal linkages whatsoever between the two organizations barring the Bharat, Bharatiyata and Hindus link. RSS website said, “RSS works only in Bharat. But it is possible that we will be able to connect you to some like-minded organization in your country. No concrete evidence of formal ties (if any) is provided; instead, the article relies on vague “people trails”- personal associations which tantamount to guilt by association. This tactic echoes historic smears and overlooks that US-based organizations like HSS operate independently to promote cultural education, yoga, family values, community service and preserve Hindu heritage in multi-cultural America and not as an RSS extension. As against what has been claimed in the write up, HSS has 267 shakhas or basic chapters across seven regions in the United State in 33 states. The assertion that “primary focus of RSS activities in US is to unify the Hindu diaspora with an India-centric approach and to raise funds from them for projects in India” is baseless, as RSS does not operate in the US. The write up does not support its claims accusing RSS of mobilizing funds illicitly for and from organisations like Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation. In contrast, Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation complies with US laws and focus on education in underserved areas of India. Supporting organizations back in Bharat working on its villages is not a crime. When Irish Americans supports Ireland or Jewish communities aid to Israel do not pose threat to US, then how do Bharat diaspora run Ekal become an issue? Yet another misleading charge made in the write up was that Hindutva organizations seek to “erase the history of caste-based atrocities” from US textbooks. This stems from 2005-17 California textbook controversy where Hindu American Foundation (HAF) and others advocated for equitable portrayal of Hinduism, akin to treatment of Islam or Judaism. Authors of The Diplomat write up sought to correct inaccuracies, highlight positive contributions like yoga and philosophy and distinguish ancient varna / jati systems from modern caste discrimination without denying historical issues. HAF had requested taking on board Dalit Hindu spiritual traditions framing this as a push for fairness, not erasure. Opponents labeled it whitewashing, but the process involved public hearings and resulted in balanced revisions. The talk of Global Hindu Heritage Foundation in funding “reconversion” of Indian Christians to Hinduism is again far from truth. The article provides no link to RSS or other listed groups. From publicly available data, it appears that GHHF operates focusing on preserving Hindu temples and culture. These activities are not illegal in US and pale in comparison to centuries of Christian missionary efforts in India towards evangelism, funded by millions of dollars from outside India. Claims about figures like Saumitra Gokhale as RSS “pracharak” rely on affiliations, not proof of covert operations. His role in HSS and related groups involve open community work focused on the organisation’s mission and vision including yoga instruction, holding camps, seminars, talks, workshops etc. The Diplomat article and CSRR report perpetuate a narrative that conflates cultural advocacy with extremism, risking the marginalization of Hindu Americans that constitute over two per cent of US population. It’s by design that their contribution through technology, medicine, and philanthropy has been ignored. Alarmist smears against Indian American Hindus sans evidence smacks of a pre-designed and agenda-based writing. The article fails to offer evidence on threats posed by American Hindus to the country’s commitment to equality and religious pluralism. A simple Google search for terms like Yoga, SNY (Surya Namaskar Yagna) GuruVandana, Adopt a Highway, beach cleaning or SewaDiwali reveal a wealth of community service initiatives undertaken by HSS and like-minded organizations to benefit the areas they serve. The article fails to include perspectives of any individual or organization mentioned (beyond HAF) while writing based purely on CSRR report. It’s truly unfortunate that a respected outlet like The Diplomat would publish a piece that reads more like a promotional pamphlet or propaganda for the CSRR report itself. Online hate has intensified with White House Deepawali events triggering racist campaigns calling for deportations and denouncing Hindu immigrants’ contribution through taxes, technology and innovation. The timing is no coincidence. The write up claims division when Hindu advocacy groups push for recognition and protection against hate crimes that have doubled. Rather than countering this bigotry, pieces like the one Diplomat fuel flames, risk real world violence against a community threatened by prejudice. (Author is an IIT Graduate Engineer, living in the greater Los Angeles area. He is engaged in coaching youngsters interested in Hindu civilizational history, universal values, and their modern-day relevance.)

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NPR’s Covert Operation to Market Fear on Hindus & RSS
Bharat Disinformation Hindus Media Misinformation News Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
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NPR’s Covert Operation to Market Fear on Hindus & RSS

Dr Aniket Pingley / Nagpur Were someone to write a handbook on “Pandering to Prejudice while Pretending to Report,” they need look no further than Diaa Hadid’s National Public Radio (NPR) write-up and radio broadcast RSS. Hadid hides lack of diligence behind familiar imagery and attempts to flatter an audience expectation instead of testing them. Hollywood often turns social problems into entertainment. Crime, addiction and family breakdown appear again and again in films. These stories do not describe society as it is; they present a pattern that audiences already know. By recycling them, filmmakers sell a sense of realism itself. Sociologists have called this commodification of stereotypes where social anxieties are turned into products that people can consume. Hadid’s radio report for NPR titled “A Hindu nationalist movement celebrates 100 years. Now what?” follows the very pattern? The report attempts to present Bharat through a ready-made frame of danger and division. The listeners / readers are not invited to learn something new; they are prodded to recognize something familiar, a martial or fascist Hindu organisation, fearful Muslims and a society leaning toward intolerance. This works well for Western audience who have been mentally “incepted” for years by shoddy journalism to consume such stories as both alarm and entertainment. It becomes a reaffirmation that their liberal conscience remains intact. I have lived in the USA for more than a decade. I have listened to NPR on radio for years during my daily commute. Over time, I came to notice a pattern in its coverage of India. Their tone is rarely one of inquiry or balance; it is one of quiet moral certainty. Their general method is not to argue openly but to evoke unease through association, mood and selective recall. It is in this sense that Diaa Hadid’s report on the centenary of RSS fits perfectly within NPR’s broader narrative framework. I will expose anatomy of NPR’s covert style of building narrative. To this end, I will first explain the covert devices used by Hadid. Covert Devices Hadid’s piece works through three main covert devices: visual cues, selective use of authority and affective storytelling. a. Visual cues The report opens with the image of “more than 1,000 men in khaki pants, white shirts, black hats marched in step, bamboo canes at the ready.” This picture establishes the mood before any facts are given. The imagery evokes paramilitary spectacle; audience’s imagination supplies menace before any argument begins. It does not explain what the event represents; it signals threat. Once this image is fixed, every later detail reinforces it. b. Selective authority Hadid then attempts to construct credibility through Sangh baiters like Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay and Saba Naqvi. Their observations are not contextualised; the audience is not told that these voices represent one interpretive tradition among many. Their audio bytes are cherry-picked to deliver a uniform message: Hindu nationalism feeds resentment, controls institutions and endangers pluralism. This is nothing more than an echo-chamber. c. Affective storytelling A later section features an unnamed Muslim activist who “fears retribution.” No evidence or data is offered to support how widespread this fear is. The emotion itself is projected as the proof. The audience does not have to ask for data or context; feeling replaces verification. In short, where evidence should appear, emotion takes its place. Symbols and Stigma Reference to the film, The Kerala Story, is most telling rhetorical move. The film bears no institutional connection to RSS and belongs to the domain of popular cinema. Its presence in the report functions as symbolic contagion, i.e., by mentioning the movie immediately after discussing RSS “influence on Bollywood,” Hadid fuses disparate cultural artefacts into a single moral field. The RSS thus becomes responsible not only for political developments but also for cinematic representations of Muslims. For a Western audience already primed to associate “Hindu nationalism” with intolerance, such conflation produces instant engagement. To amplify stigma about RSS, Hadid retrieves the prevalent elements of Western archive on the RSS – (1) Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination and (2) Ram Janmabhoomi movement. There is no acknowledgment that RSS was exonerated after Gandhi’s death or that it operates legally within India’s constitutional framework, or that Ram temple was built via Supreme Court judgment after a long, patient waiting by the entire nation. Hadid repeats familiar falsehood that “Godse was once a follower of the RSS. Godse’s family insists he never left,” ignoring Godse’s own courtroom statement that he had left the RSS to join the Hindu Mahasabha. But then, fact-checking has never been a priority for those committed to manufacturing history and Hadid is neither the first nor the last to do so. Here, each reference functions to deliberately misguide or act as a cue that re-connects today’s audience to an existing moral verdict. The long and the short of it The anatomy of NPR’s false narrative building has the following parts: Exposing the institutional motive of NPR Hadid’s report exemplifies an institutional pattern within Western public media: to convert complex national phenomena into moral parables for liberal consumption. RSS becomes a semiotic device, a shorthand for all that is wrong with contemporary India. In this symbolic economy, factual depth is secondary to recognizability. Diaa Hadid’s NPR piece about RSS centenary does not break new ground. It follows Hollywood model of selling familiar anxieties. This is not an individual failure of journalism but a sign of how certain institutions continue to operate. They produce stories that confirm a shared moral outlook rather than test it. The result is not better understanding of Bharat or RSS, but another example of how complex realities can be reduced to simple and marketable fears. P.S. As for “Now what?” from the title — perhaps, now, some real journalism 😊 (Author is an accomplished computer scientist, educator, and holds expertise in media content strategy)

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Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
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RSS at a Glance

Introducing “RSS at a Glance” a crisp infographic-ready snapshot of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s scale and momentum. It captures headline metrics you can cite at a glance: volunteers (swayamsevaks), daily shakhas, annual seva projects, educational initiatives and schools, disaster-relief deployments. A numerical backbone behind a century of volunteerism and nation-building.

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Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
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An introduction to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

As the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) enters its centennial year, we present “An introduction to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)” a primer on RSS’s origins, ethos, and impact. From daily shakhas and disciplined selfless volunteerism to nationwide seva initiatives in education, social harmony, environment, and disaster relief, this primer shows how character-building and community leadership translate into nation-building. Explore the milestones, the organisational cadence, and the living culture that has impacted social life across Bharat for a hundred years and continues to do so with purpose.

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Sangh@100 with People’s Support
Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
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Sangh@100 with People’s Support

Dattatreya Hosabale The work of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has now completed one hundred years. In this long journey, countless people have been companions, contributors, and well-wishers. This journey was full of hard work and challenges, but the unwavering support of ordinary citizens turned it into a fulfilling one. As we pause in the centenary year and look back, memories of many such moments and people come alive—those who devoted their everything to ensure the success of this mission. In the early years, young karyakartas set forth across the country like dedicated warriors, driven entirely by their love for the nation. Family man like Appaji Joshi or full-time pracharaks such as Dadarav Parmarth, Balasaheb and Bhaurao Deoras brothers, Yadavrao Joshi, Eknath Ranade—all of them, under the guidance of Dr. Hedgewar, took Sangh work as a sacred vow of lifelong service to the nation. The progress of the Sangh has always rested on society’s constant support. Because its work remained in tune with the spirit of the people, acceptance grew steadily over time. Once, Swami Vivekananda was asked during his foreign travels: “Most of your countrymen are uneducated, they don’t even know English, so how will they understand these profound things you talk about?” Swamiji had replied, “Just as ants do not need to learn English to find sugar, my people do not need foreign tongues to recognise a noble and spiritual cause. Their inner wisdom will guide them.” This statement turned out to be remarkably true. Similarly, despite the slow pace, society at large has continuously recognised and supported the Sangh’s sincere efforts. From the very beginning, Sangh Karyakartas received blessings, shelter, and encouragement from ordinary families. In fact, the households of swayamsevaks themselves became the foundational centres of the work. The contribution of mothers and sisters has been critical in giving completeness to this journey. Inspired figures like Dattopant Thengadi, Yashwantrao Kelkar, Balasaheb Deshpande, Eknath Ranade, Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Dadasaheb Apte drew strength from the Sangh and went on to build several organisations in different walks of social life. Today these organisations, with immense growth, have brought about constructive changes across many fields. Among women too, towering personalities like  Mausiji Kelkar and Pramila Tai Medhe, through the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, have offered a motherly strength that has been central to this mission. Over the decades, the Sangh has raised several issues of national importance, always with society standing in support. At times even those publicly opposed have lent their voices for the larger Hindu cause. The Sangh consistently sought consensus and cooperation on matters of Hindu unity, national security, social harmony, democracy, and preservation of culture. Thousands of Swayamsevaks endured unimaginable hardships, and many laid down their lives. Through all this, society’s hand of support was always there. In 1981, when a few Hindus in Meenakshipuram, Tamil Nadu, were converted under misleading circumstances, a massive Hindu awakening movement followed. A conference attended by nearly half a million people was presided over by Dr. Karan Singh, then a senior Congress leader. In 1964, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad was founded with the active participation of renowned spiritual leaders like Swami Chinmayananda, Master Tara Singh, Jain muni Sushil Kumar, Buddhist bhikshu Kushok Bakula, and Namdhari Sikh Guru Jagjit Singh.  The initiative was inspired by Shri Guruji Golwalkar, with the purpose of reaffirming that untouchability had no place in Hindu scriptures. To uphold this principle a grand  World Hindu Conference was conveyed in Udupi where revered spiritual leaders, saints and mahants came together extending their blessings and support. The spirit voiced earlier at the Prayagraj conference—that Na Hindu patito bhavet (No Hindu can ever fall from grace) was echoed at this conference as Hindavah Sodara Sarve (All Hindus are brothers, children of Bharat Mata.)  From the campaign for cow protection, to the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, Sant-samaj (saintly fraternity) has always given blessings to the Sangh swayamsevaks. After Independence, when political reasons led to a ban on the Sangh’s activities, it was not only ordinary people but also highly respected figures who openly stood by it, giving courage in those difficult times. The same was experienced during the Emergency. That is why, despite so many obstacles, Sangh work has continued seamlessly and steadily. Through crises, it has often been the mothers and sisters who shouldered the responsibility of keeping Swayamsevaks and their work intact, becoming a constant source of inspiration. Looking ahead, in this centenary year, Sangh Swayamsevaks will make a special effort to reach every household—across big cities, remote villages, and among all sections of society—to invite wider cooperation and participation in the mission of national service. With the coordinated effort of all well-meaning forces of society, the next stage of our nation’s journey—towards holistic development—will certainly be smoother and more successful. (The writer is the Sarkaryavah of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh)Sangh@100 with People’s Support

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Intellectual Laziness or Toolkit Operation!
Disinformation Media Misinformation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
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Intellectual Laziness or Toolkit Operation!

The Economist’ stands exposed in its agenda driven write up on RSS, world’s largest voluntaristic Hindu centric movement. Dr Aniket Pingley The Economist, in its edition dated September 11, 2025, has published a leader write up on Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), also known as Sangh. It postures as serious analysis. In reality, it is a flimsy collage of clichés, innuendo and context-stripped assertions. The author has not studied RSS; he or she has merely parroted decades-old propaganda, hoping that repetition will substitute for rigour. This is not journalism; it is intellectual laziness with an agenda. I have been trained in rigorous research within scientific disciplines which means I test every claim against data, logic, intention and approach. Unlike the author, I will not shoot and scoot with unverified slogans. I will hold up each statement, examine it under evidence and reasoning and expose whether it stands or collapses. Let’s begin. The overarching theme of this article is this – a mere lazy recycling of tropes. The author serves up familiar accusations as though they were fresh insight. In truth, it is the same stale dish of “paramilitary,” “fascist,” “second-class citizens,” and “paranoia” — merely reheated and presented as new. These labels have been thrown at the Sangh for past several decades, none have stood the test of law or fact and yet they are recycled here again. Instead of examining how RSS sustains 83,000 shakhas or runs 150,000 service projects (as stated by the author), the author prefers easier route of re-serving leftovers from decades past. Before we move ahead, let me unmask toolkit used by the author, like most other authors who are critical of the Sangh. The author uses eleven manipulative devices: This toolkit is not one of scholarship but one of manipulation. Let us now examine how this blunted toolkit is used to criticize the Sangh. For ease of reading, I have used a table for presentation. The list is not exhaustive; however, it should serve the purpose. Criticism in Article Toolkit Trick Used Facts Queries RSS wants Hindu-first India, minorities as second-class Stereotype recycling + loaded language Minorities hold top constitutional offices; Muslims vote, run businesses, thrive in arts and sport. Socio-economic progression of Muslims is an undeniable fact If minorities are “second-class,” by what metric? Where is the data? RSS ideology violates secular constitution One-dimensional framing RSS never sought a theocracy; it speaks of cultural nationalism. BJP once endorsed “positive secularism.” If RSS violated the Constitution, why has no court ever said so in 100 years? RSS has paramilitary/fascist roots Guilt by association + stereotype recycling No armed wing, no dictator, no fascist-style state control. Built around shakhas, service, volunteerism. If early rhetoric mattered, why is there no continuity of fascist traits today? RSS was banned thrice Cherry-picking 1948 ban lifted after courts did not find RSS’s role in Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination; 1975 was outright Emergency suppression; 1992 ban struck down by court. If truly dangerous, why revoke every ban? Why not ban permanently? Muslims as second-class Shoot-and-scoot Muslims enjoy constitutional equality, socio-economic welfare schemes, political representation at every level. What does “second-class” mean? Denied vote? Barred from office? Where is evidence? Babri demolition / Ayodhya Innuendo CBI court acquitted all accused; temple built via Supreme Court judgment after a long, patient waiting by the entire nation. Why omit the court verdict? Why keep innuendo alive after acquittal? Why omit that the nation celebrated the construction of the temple on a grand scale. RSS paranoia/obsession Loaded language 150,000+ service projects in education, health, relief; 83,000+ daily shakhas build discipline. Is this paranoia? Is community service equal to obsession? Where’s the proof? Authoritarian discipline = fascism Trope recycling RSS decisions by consensus; organizations inspired have disagreed on issues publicly. If authoritarian, why do these organisations openly disagree with BJP policies? Hindutva dominates all politics Fear projection + alarmism Opposition still governs major states; BJP loses elections; multiple visions compete. If Hindutva dominates, why do opposition parties win a significant chunk of votes across all states? I would like to highlight the author’s intellectual laziness furthermore by unmasking baselessness of his statements. Here are a few: Quote 1: “Senior members have distanced themselves from some of their predecessors’ rhetoric (not least the stuff about fascists).” Quote 2: “Earlier this year, Mr Bhagwat backed a popular call for India to carry out a caste census, even though the RSS… had long opposed this.” Quote 3: “The RSS is fuelled both by confidence and paranoia.” Each of these quotes, when stripped of their toolkit tricks, collapses into hollow rhetoric. Let me now educate the author about the Sangh. Unlike caricature offered, RSS is a cultural, civilizational project of institution-building and service. Here are some of its pillars that enabled 100-year long, thriving journey: This is the picture any serious analyst must confront. The Economist’s author chose instead to erase it entirely. One wonders as to why The Economist allows such a piece under its banner. Where was the editorial rigour? Why publish an article that recycles tropes, omits essential context and reduces complex realities to slogans? If these are the standards set for its writers by ‘The Economist’, the world’s largest volunteer organisation, then, RSS does not diminish. It is The Economist’s credibility. RSS has survived hostilities, slander and decades of unwarranted criticism done with an agenda. It continues to grow as it is rooted in Bharatiya society and not on borrowed clichés. The Economist’s article does not analyse the RSS. It exposes the intellectual bankruptcy of its editorial board and brings to closer scrutiny its rigour for writing. (Author is an accomplished computer scientist, educator, and holds expertise in media content strategy)

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