CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Guardians or Bystanders!

Canadian police remain mute spectators to violence and vandalism unleashed in Hindu temples by Khalistani extremists backed by Trudeau. Rahul Pawa On a quiet Diwali weekend, two temples in Canada, long-standing beacons of peace for Hindu diaspora became flashpoints of violence. In Brampton, at Hindu Sabha Mandir where a towering 55-foot statue of Lord Hanuman stands in majestic repose, sanctity of worship was violently interrupted.  In Surrey, around same time, similar desecration played out but with an unsettling twist: Canadian police, rather than offering protection from violence, reportedly turned their back on the very devotees they are sworn to safeguard. This spiraling saga of aggression against Canada’s Hindu community speaks of growing dissonance, one in which Anti-hindu allegiances and violent extremist ideology have found combustible alignment. These events call into question not Canadian authorities role in preserving peace and apparent lack of justice in face of rising extremism against Hindus. The incidents bear markings of a broader issue that Canada under the guise of neutrality may have dangerously fueled. Hindu Sabha Mandir in Brampton stands as a symbol of spiritual and cultural unity for Hindu community with its towering Hanuman statue —serving as proud reminder of ancient heritage in Canadian landscape. Yet, as Indian consular officials visited the temple to offer routine services, scenes of unrest unfolded that shattered the temple’s tranquility. Khalistani extremists, aligned with banned Sikhs for Justice extremist group, staged a violent protest that devolved into open aggression against temple-goers. Video footage shared across social media captures harrowing moments as Hindu devotees were set upon, beaten, and confronted with huge sticks by extremists. Aggressive violence by these extremists was unprovoked assault on peaceful community engaged in their sacred observances. Sikhs for Justice, a group with known links to Pakistan and history of terrorism linked to violent Khalistan secessionist movement had explicitly voiced their desire to disrupt consular services outside official premises, claiming these events posed a “threat” to Khalistani cause. Peel Regional Police, responsible for overseeing law enforcement in Brampton, have faced sharp criticism for their response or lack of it. Widespread violence notwithstanding, no arrests were made, a decision that many say reflects a worrisome leniency. Peel Police released a brief statement pledging to “investigate any acts of violence or threats,” yet to date, no charges have been filed. This inaction starkly contrasts with the force’s rapid response to similar instances of disorderly conduct in other communities. For Hindu Canadians, these events highlight troubling trend. Liberal MP Chandra Arya condemned the incident, calling attention to what he described as “free pass” given to Canadian Khalistani extremists. As he noted, “These extremists receive a degree of immunity that raises serious questions about Canada’s commitment to protecting its citizens equally.” Across the country in Surrey, a gathering of Hindu devotees at a temple similarly faced intimidation from Khalistani extremists operating with impunity in Canada. As people of all ages congregated to pray, the Khalistanis arrived with charged slogans, invoking Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a notorious Khalistani extremist recently slain under murky circumstances. Far from remaining a peaceful protest, the event quickly turned menacing, with calls for Hindus to “go back to their country.” Yet what unfolded next is perhaps more disturbing than the protest itself. As tensions escalated, members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) intervened—but not to protect the threatened Hindu worshippers. Instead, in an act that has left the Hindu community in shock and disbelief, RCMP detained three Hindu devotees who were then escorted from temple grounds in full view of the protestors who had incited the incident. The reason for these detentions remains undisclosed, but the message it sent was clear: the victims of intimidation were cast as the culprits. This police action has left many questioning the RCMP’s impartiality. At a time when Hindus in Canada felt increasingly vulnerable, police response was inadequate or complicit. The pattern of law enforcement intervening against Hindu Canadians, rather than protecting them, has fostered deep resentment and fear. A local temple spokesperson pleaded for calm, reminding the community to await further information but the undercurrent of fear was palpable. Canadian authorities’ seeming unwillingness to protect Hindus or even acknowledge the intimidation they face revealed a chasm in the justice system they are meant to trust. Indian High Commission in Ottawa released a statement expressing disappointment at the violence allowed to mar routine consular events. “As in previous years,” the statement read, “the High Commission and Consulates General of India have planned consular camps during this period to assist local life certificate beneficiaries.” However, despite clear forewarning and requests for heightened security, Canadian authorities failed to prevent Khalistani disruption. This dereliction of duty has left Hindus in Canada and beyond questioning the nation’s dedication to ensuring safety for all religious communities. Diplomatic tensions sparked by Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau between Canada and India have simmered in recent months, with baseless accusations fueling discord. Yet Canada’s handling of these incidents hints at something more insidious— normalization of extremism under the guise of free speech. It appears that Canada is struggling, or perhaps choosing not to confront, a deeply ingrained bias in its approach to law enforcement where Khalistani sympathisers were concerned. India’s high commission has been left with few choices but to remind Canadian authorities of their duty to protect citizens and consular staff engaged in routine activities. The community they represent, however, feels abandoned, exposed to aggression with no recourse to justice. As Canada’s Hindu diaspora reflects on these violent episodes, an unsettling reality emerges: their homeland may be an ocean away, but the conflicts it faces seem to have followed them to Canadian shores. Devotees who once sought refuge in Canada, a country that promised peace and safety, now find themselves targeted, harassed, and abandoned by a system that seems unwilling to defend their rights. In these attacks, there is bitter irony—Canada’s celebrated multiculturalism, once source of pride, has been weaponised against the very people it claimed to protect. As Canadian authorities continue to walk the line

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Hindu Genocide Unfolding in Bangladesh

Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Christian bear brunt of unprecedented violence unleashed by uncouth Islamists & their handlers. Rahul Pawa Today, Bangladesh faces critical juncture as Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned amidst escalating unrest with an interim government now set to take charge under the military’s supervision. This comes as the country is engulfed in violence with the Hindus and other minority communities bearing brunt of what is rapidly becoming genocide of unimaginable proportions. As the world watched Bangladesh in horror, a systematic campaign of terror was fueled by Islamist extremists’ targeting Hindu homes, businesses, temples and lives. The unrest that began in June over a government job quota system has spiraled out of control. Initially seen as a movement for fairness, the protests quickly devolved into a pretext for Islamist factions including Jamaat-e-Islami, Hefazat-e-Islam and Jamaat Shibir to launch brutal attacks against Hindu and other minority community. The violence has been widespread and systematic: in Moulvibazar, the Notun Kali Temple was desecrated and Hindu homes were set ablaze displacing most families. In Chittagong’s Hajari Goli, Sri Krishna Temple was attacked and mobs attempted to break into Hindu homes specifically targeting families with young girls. These are not isolated incidents but part of a coordinated effort to annihilate Hindus in Bangladesh. Strikingly, the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh bore hallmark of genocide under international law. Genocide is defined as acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group. The targeted killings, such as the murder of Hindu police constable Suman Kumar and lynching of Hindu Awami League leader Haradhan Roy and his nephew are clear indicators of a calculated effort to eliminate this minority group. Furthermore, systematic attacks on religious sites including ISKCON and Kali temples and destruction of Hindu homes and businesses point to an organised campaign with genocidal intent. This is not random violence but sheer number of incidents reflects deliberate and coordinated effort to eradicate Hindus from Bangladesh. It is pertinent that the international community must recognize these signs and act before it is too late. For those closely monitoring events in Bangladesh, rapid spread of violence against Hindus following military takeover comes as no surprise. Bangladesh Army Chief held meetings with Jamaat-e-Islami and Hefazat-e-Islam leaders. But, there’s not a word on organised targeting of Hindus. The message is univocally clear, Hindus in Bangladesh are now under siege. In Feni Bash, Parsta Hindu Temple was attacked while riots have engulfed Hindu areas nationwide. In last two days, Islamists murdered two Hindus in Rangpur town and three more were killed by Jamaat Shibir protestors. Entire families have been wiped out, leaving survivors in fear and despair as Hindu temples, homes and businesses are systematically destroyed. The international community cannot remain passive while an entire population is being targeted for destruction. Moreover, Pakistan and China’s involvement in this crisis adds a dangerous dimension to the violence. Both nations have a vested interest in destabilising Bangladesh, and by backing Islamist factions like Jamaat-e-Islami, Hefazat-e-Islam, and Jamaat Shibir, they are advancing their geopolitical agendas while exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. Pakistan, known for supporting Islamist extremism and terrorism, has reportedly provided financial and logistical support to these extremist groups. China, leveraging its influence in the region, has further destabilised the situation, turning a blind eye to the atrocities committed against the Hindu population. This geopolitical strategy has made the situation far more complex, demanding global attention. The violence in Bangladesh is not merely an internal issue; it is part of a broader strategy that threatens the lives of millions of innocent people. The involvement of these two nations must be scrutinised and they should be investigated for their role in this unfolding genocide. The global community, including the United Nations, human rights organizations, and nations that believe in democracy, especially India, the regional super-power must take immediate action to prevent further atrocities. Diplomatic pressure should be applied to ensure the protection of Bangladeshi citizens, and an independent investigation into the crimes against Hindus must be initiated. The world has seen too many genocides in the past; one cannot afford to let history repeat itself. Immediate action is needed to halt the bloodshed and to ensure that justice is served for the victims of these heinous crimes. The time to act is now, before the situation escalates further and another dark chapter is written in the history of human rights violations. (Author is Director – Research at CIHS in New Delhi)

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Lessons from Kargil Ignited India’s Defense Revolution

Rahul Pawa Under PM Modi’s leadership, lessons from Kargil have driven significant reforms in military, intelligence, border security, and indigenous manufacturing, ensuring a more resilient and self-reliant India. In the summer of 1999, several high-altitude regions of Ladakh, including Mushkoh Valley, Dras, Kargil, Batalik, Chorbat La, and Turtuk, became the epicentres of a fierce battle between India and Pakistan. What began as a surprising discovery of armed intruders on the Indian side of the Line of Control (LOC) swiftly escalated into a full-blown military standoff. Initially mistaken for insurgents, these infiltrators were soon identified as regular soldiers of the Pakistan Army in disguise. The ensuing hostilities, fraught with the threat of nuclear escalation, lasted for eleven tense weeks. The limited war-like standoff finally drew to a close on July 26, 1999, when India thwarted the intruders and won the war. Now, 25 years later, as India marks the anniversary of its resolute campaign to defend its motherland, the nation pays tribute to the 527 martyrs and over 1,100 wounded. However, this anniversary also serves as a catalyst for a new national security paradigm, shaped by the lessons learned on the battlefield. Even before the dust had settled on the graves of Pakistani soldiers in the highest reaches of the Himalayas—soldiers whom the Pakistan Army and their Islamic Republic refused to acknowledge—New Delhi, under the leadership of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, planned a thorough investigation into the events leading up to and during the standoff. Within three days of the victory in Ladakh, the Indian government began “to examine the sequence of events and make recommendations for the future” by formally setting up the Kargil Review Committee (KRC). The committee, chaired by K. Subrahmanyam and including Lt. Gen. K.K. Hazari, B.G. Verghese, Satish Chandra, and National Security Advisor Brajesh Mishra, formally submitted is report on December 15, 1999, merely 5 months after a hard earned victory. Based on over a hundred interviews with senior military personnel, diplomats, intelligence officers, journalists, and politicians, the report offered recommendations on border management, civil–military liaison, counter-terrorist operations, defense budget and modernisation, LOC policy, nuclear policy, intelligence, media relations, the National Security Council, national security management, and technology. This year, in a speech delivered in Dras, Ladakh, during the 25th Kargil Vijay Diwas, Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighted the strategic importance of the Agnipath scheme, drawing from the lessons of the 1999 battles in Ladakh. The initiative aims to revitalise the army by reducing the average age of its personnel through a four-year enlistment of young recruits, thus infusing the force with fresh energy and technical skills. An approach recommended in the KRC, which advocated for maintaining a youthful and fit army. Yet, this marks only the beginning of a broader wave of strategic, technical, and policy shifts inspired by the KRC’s findings and recommendations, with some measures already in place and others still underway. As part of the KRC’s robust recommendations for reform and modernisation, the Indian military embarked on extensive structural changes. This led to the appointment of the first Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), a position filled by General Bipin Rawat on December 24, 2019, under the PM Modi-led NDA government after two decades of deliberation. Aligned with the KRC recommendations, the Indian military underwent extensive modernisation and structural reforms. This included the creation of several tri-services organizations to enhance coordination and efficiency. Notably, the Integrated Defence Staff, Andaman and Nicobar Command, Nuclear Command Authority, Strategic Forces Command, and the Department of Ex-servicemen Welfare were established. Additionally, the Defence Technology Council and the Defence Acquisition Council were created to streamline technological advancements and procurement processes, reflecting the KRC’s emphasis on comprehensive technical reforms. Additionally, the Kargil Review Committee’s recommendations led to significant upgrades in border infrastructure and intelligence, addressing key issues revealed during the 1998-1999 Pakistani infiltration. Under National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, the establishment of the Multi-Agency Centre (MAC) and the Joint Task Force on Intelligence (JTFI) enhanced coordination. New airstrips and advanced landing grounds were developed to counter potential threats from China and Pakistan, significantly improving border security and readiness. Enhancing military preparedness has been another critical area significantly improved by the KRC’s findings and recommendations. Under the leadership of PM Modi and the NDA government, the adoption of advanced technologies, such as Chinook helicopters and upgraded airstrips, has notably boosted rapid force deployment capabilities. These advancements ensure that the Indian military can respond swiftly and effectively to threats. The success of Uri surgical strikes, Balakot Air strikes and decisive responses to People’s liberation Army (PLA) aggression in regions like Galwan and Pangong Tso further highlight India’s heightened state of readiness and strategic agility, demonstrating a robust defense posture that aligns with the KRC’s vision for a more secure and responsive military framework. In a fast-evolving globalised world, challenges like the ongoing Ukraine conflict and the escalating threat from Communist Party of China (CPC) showcase the need for a robust, indigenous defense supply chain. This necessity was also highlighted in 1999 when the U.S. denied India’s request for GPS data during the 1999 Ladakh aggression by Pakistan, prompting India to develop its own GPS system, the Indian Regional Navigation Satellite System (IRNSS), an autonomous satellite navigation system that provides accurate position information services to users in India and the surrounding region, covering up to 1,500 kilometres beyond India’s borders. Learning from these  lessons, the 2020 “Atmanirbhar Bharat” initiative was launched to reduce reliance on foreign suppliers and foster self-sufficiency in defense production. This ambitious program aims to build a strong domestic defense manufacturing sector, ensuring India can independently meet its military needs. The initiative promotes research and development, encourages public-private partnerships, and incentivises domestic production of critical defense technologies and equipment. In the contemporary landscape, under PM Modi’s leadership, these measures reflect a broader strategic shift towards a more secure and resilient India, aligning with the foresight provided by the KRC report. The Indian government’s commitment to strengthening the nation’s defense capabilities is evident in various initiatives designed to

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China-Pakistan Agenda in Bangladesh Protests

Violent protests by students against job quotas may have been conveniently used by Beijing & Islamabad to further their interests Rahul Pawa China, Pakistan, geo-political interest groups and international stakeholders may have muddied Bangladesh waters. They may have either directly or indirectly contributed to current wave of violent protests that resulted in 130 fatalities. These players may have conveniently used the anger against quotas for government jobs as a cover to stroke flames of dissent against Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League government. The current spate of violent incidents seems to have been triggered by Communist Party of China and Pakistan that have taken an adversarial position and spread discontent against Sheikh Hasina’s government. Protests erupted after Appellate Division of the Supreme Court decided on July 10, 2024 to maintain status quo on quota system intended for freedom fighters and their families for four weeks. This came after a High Court ruled on June 5, 2024 that declared 2018 government circular canceling 30 per cent quota for freedom fighter’s descendants in government jobs illegal. This sparked widespread anger among students and larger population, culminating in violent clashes and a death toll that continued to rise. Students from various universities in Dhaka united to demand quota reforms. After initial postponement owing to Eid and summer holidays, students movement resumed on July 1 with demonstrations. Students and teachers from public universities like University of Dhaka, Rajshahi University of Engineering and Technology and Jahangirnagar University, among others were soon joined by counterparts from private institutions such as North South University and BRAC University. Under the banner of Anti-discrimination Students Movement, they launched ‘Bangla Blockade’ (Bangladesh Shutdown) thereby disrupting domestic train and road transportation networks. Online activism surged with calls for “another 2018” in reference to previous quota reform movement. Subsequently, protestors call for a ‘Bangla Blockade’ intensified on July 7. As demonstrations spread nationwide, clashes with police on July 11 marked a significant escalation. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s remarks on July 14, referring to Razakars (Bangladeshis who collaborated with Pakistan during 1971war) made during a press conference after her return from China coupled with the ruling Awami League’s hardened stance intensified the situation. This led to violent suppressions by Chhatra League and resulted in hundreds of injuries. The kindling for this unrest had been laid well before the court’s ruling as flames were fanned earlier this month during Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s visit to Beijing from July 8 to 10, 2024. The visit, intended to secure significant financial aid and strengthen bilateral ties ended abruptly, hinting at Hasina’s deep-seated dissatisfaction with the Communist Party of China (CPC). China offered only $100 million in financial assistance, a far cry from the initially promised $5 billion. Adding to the discord, Xi gave Hasina very little time as Beijing proposed a controversial ten-year re-education policy aimed at countering Islamic culture and promoting Chinese lifestyles, similar to measures implemented in Pakistan during 2010. This proposal, perceived as racist and a direct affront to Bangladesh’s cultural sovereignty, significantly strained Dhaka – Beijing relationship. The protests in Dhaka quickly escalated as protesting students and citizens voiced their dissatisfaction with reinstated job reservation quota. This policy initially abolished in 2018 reserved 30 percent government jobs for families of 1971 independence war veterans. The new quota system, viewed as unreasonable and discriminatory, exacerbated existing frustrations amid high unemployment and rampant inflation. Pakistan-backed Islamist groups such as Jamat-e-Islami, which have significantly undermined Bangladesh’s private sector, exacerbating economic challenges the country already faces.This influence, funded by the Middle East via Pakistan, has made government jobs even more sought after. The resulting volatility in the private sector has created a hostile environment, where economic grievances easily morph into political unrest. This destabilising influence was earlier evident during the violent response to the Bangladesh government’s attempt to modernise labor laws in 2018. The proposed changes aimed to attract more foreign investment by aligning local labour practices with international standards. However, Islamist groups, heavily funded by Pakistan vehemently opposed these changes arguing they would undermine Islamic values and worker rights. Jamat-e-Islami with its significant political clout mobilised large-scale protests and strikes which paralysed many sectors of the economy including the vital garment industry. This unrest discouraged foreign investment and highlighted the fragility of private sector in the face of Islamist political and religious extremism. Moreover, China’s involvement in Bangladesh’s student unions further escalates the situation. Reports indicate that CPC has infiltrated Bangladesh universities through education and student exchange programmes. Five Chinese universities in Yunnan province alone teach Bangla language and culture, sending students to Dhaka to create intelligence assets and funding channels for student wings. This strategy aims to mobilise Bangladeshi students against their own government’s policies thereby creating more space for CPC influence. Notably, student unions that staunchly defended Islam in Bangladesh remained conspicuously silent on CPC policies against Uyghur Muslims. The current situation reiterates CPC’s potential to influence and organise student protests in Bangladesh. Earlier, on April 13, 2021, students gathered at the Dhaka Press Club, demanding better arrangements from Hasina Administration for studying in China. The protest pressuring the Bangladeshi government nearly turned violent, demonstrating CPC’s influence and capability to mobilise students in Dhaka, highlighting its broader strategy of using education and cultural programs as tools of influence. Moreover, China-Pakistan nexus in Bangladesh adds another layer of complexity. Pakistani students often affiliated with Jamat-e-Islami collaborate with their Bangladeshi counterparts facilitating communication and coordination for protests. The human intelligence (HUMINT) capacity of Pakistan’s ISI has been instrumental in channeling Chinese funds to stage ongoing protests in Dhaka. Bangladeshi workers in Chinese companies are reported to have been trained to mobilise pro-China rallies as seen in 2019 when workers of Jingjiu Group in Bangladesh who were seen chanting Pro-China slogans in Mandarin. Intriguingly, CPC’s interest in Bangladesh extends beyond financial aid. Beijing aimed to establish strong foothold in South Asia leveraging its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) aspiring to integrate Bangladesh into its economic sphere. Despite the disappointing loan offer, China has

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