CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Radicalised Khalistanis, a Canadian Problem

Radicalised Khalistanis, a Canadian Problem

For years Canada’s mainstream parties have courted Sikh immigrants to win votes. Now, they pander to Khalistani extremists for political gains. Rahul Pawa As Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in Canada for the G7 summit, an unsettling scene greeted international media: young children brandished “Khalistan” flags and even defaced a Hindu temple in Surrey with secessionist graffiti. These images of toddlers taught to chant separatist slogans sparked outrage in India and around the world. Spokesman Sudeep Singh of the revered Patna Sahib Gurudwara, the birthplace of the tenth Sikh Guru, Guru Gobind Singh Ji warned that “the way children were used in the protests is highly condemnable”. Similarly, Sikh seminary leader Sarchand Singh Khyala condemned the videos as “spreading hatred by brainwashing children”. Dressed-up flags and violent symbols at public parades horrify many Sikhs abroad who see these stunts as political theatre, not Sikhism. Mainstream Sikh leaders make the same point: Khalistanis in Canada are a tiny fringe, not the Sikh community. In late realization of sorts, former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has emphasized, “many supporters of Khalistan in Canada… do not represent the Sikh community as a whole.” Leading Sikh voices echo this. Jasdip Singh Jassee of Sikhs of America reminds Americans that “the vast majority of Sikhs globally, including in the US and Canada, do not support separatist agendas.” In India, religious seats like Takht Patna Sahib and Damdami Taksal have publicly denounced the protests. Their message is unequivocal: the Khalistan protesters are not Sikh martyrs. Patna Sahib’s spokesman notes that all of Sikhism’s pending issues are being resolved in India, so “there should not be such protests” against PM Modi “no Sikh can tolerate this.” In fact, these Khalistani stunts run directly counter to Sikh teachings. Sikhism emphasises service and harmony not hate or violence. Provincial Sikh leaders emphasise, “Sikhs have protected mandirs (Hindu temples)” as their sacred Dharmic duty. Yet last April in Surrey, vandals scrawled “Khalistan” on the pillars of Shree Lakshmi Narayana Mandir. This hate-crime – denounced by the temple as “an attack on a sacred space” would deeply sadden ordinary Sikhs. Jasdip Jassee said it was “disgusting” that extremists chose Diwali (a Sikh-protected festival) to vandalise a mandir, calling it “shameful” and against Sikh values. Similarly, Damdami Taksal (a mainstream Sikh seminary) has openly criticised Canadians who use children to insult India’s PM, saying these pro-Khalistan people “are spewing venom against India”. These Sikh authorities unanimously emphasise that Khalistan is not a Sikh cause and certainly not one worth teaching to children. On the contrary, Sikhism is deeply Dharmic and Indian. From the Punjabi heartland to global diaspora Sikhs celebrate their faith’s founder Guru Nanak and their tenets of service (seva) and protection.  India’s own armed forces and civil institutions reflect Sikh contributions: for example, Air Chief Marshal Arjan Singh (a Sikh) was made India’s first Air Force Field Marshal, and Sikh generals have led the Army in multiple wars. Sikh entrepreneurs, scholars and saints likewise uplifted Indian society. For modern Sikhs, the idea of carving out a separate nation feels alien only a “microscopic” minority even entertains it. A former Punjab Chief Secretary notes that hardcore Khalistani ideologues are “not even one per cent” of Sikh population while many others view Khalistan more as a business or polarising narrative. Polls agree Punjab elections show pro-Khalistan candidates picking up well under 1 – 2 per cent of votes in Sikh-majority districts. In short, the Khalistan idea has virtually no grassroots support back in India; it lives on only in select pockets abroad. So why does the Khalistan fringe loom so large in Canada? The answer lies in Canadian diaspora politics and foreign meddling. For years Canada’s mainstream parties have courted Sikh immigrants to win votes, often ignoring their excesses. Observers note a growing consensus among all Canadian parties to pander to Khalistan sympathies for electoral gain. Minister S. Jaishankar put it bluntly: by giving radical Sikhs impunity, “the Canadian government… is repeatedly showing that its vote bank is more powerful than its rule of law.” Veteran broadcaster Terry Milewski described it as a dirty deal: Canadian MPs attend Sikh parades and “look the other way” at posters of terrorists, in exchange for “10,000 votes… because the people of the gurdwaras will vote as we tell them”. In such a climate, small separatist groups found refuge on Canadian soil under the banner of free speech. Worse, intelligence services have cynically empowered them. Indian officials repeatedly assert that Pakistan’s ISI funds the Khalistani network in Canada. Union Minister Hardeep Puri openly called protestors “kiraye ke tattu” (mercenaries on hire) whose demonstrations were staged “from the neighbouring country [Pakistan] where they get funding.”  Security analysts back this up, several top analysts observe that these activists have their own underworld and are often involved in deadly gang rivalries and are essentially “helping Pakistanis spend whatever remains of their money”. Indeed, he warns that Sikh extremists in Canada “will continue to be funded and fuelled by the ISI”. Put bluntly, this looks less like a grass-roots Sikh movement than a criminal-intelligence network. It is a problem imported into Canada by a hostile state, not spawned by Sikh communities. The political consequences in Canada have been dramatic. In the 2025 federal elections, Jagmeet Singh, NDP leader who long voiced support for Sikh protesters, saw his party collapse. Singh lost his own seat and announced he would step down as leader. Earlier, in September 2024, Singh had even “ripped up” his confidence-and-supply deal with Trudeau’s “Liberals”, erasing the government majority he once helped engineer. Meanwhile Trudeau’s gamble backfired. As Sikh ally Singh turned on him, Trudeau’s Liberals barely clung to power under newcomer Mark Carney. By early 2025 Trudeau himself resigned as a result of his Khalistan miscalculation. In short, Ottawa’s flirtation with diaspora extremism not only frayed Canada-India ties, it torpedoed the careers of Western politicians. Against this turmoil, Sikhs have reaffirmed their core values. Sikh institutions wasted no time republishing lessons of unity. Damdami Taksal’s Sarchand

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India Emerges Global Power Through Sindoor

India Emerges Global Power Through Sindoor

Biggest losers were Pakistan, Turkey & China that sided with the terror state. Bharat came thumbs up, foreign media cut sorry figure. N. C. Bipindra After India’s Operation Sindoor on Pakistan and its terror hubs to avenge Pahalgam terror victims, the overwhelming assessment of global strategic affairs community, military experts and international media is that New Delhi has had a decisive victory over Islamabad. As India began its precision military strikes on nine terror infrastructure sites inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, initially global media and think-tanks went overboard to declare an Indian defeat. Their claims were based on unverified Pakistan social media handles’ propaganda that Islamabad was successful in shooting down the Indian Air Force fighter jets. But these claims turned out to be untrue as Operation Sindoor progressed over four days during May 7 – 10, 2025. Now, a post-operation diagnosis has placed their trust in the Indian military declarations that India indeed struck specific targets based on undisputable pieces of evidence provided by Indian establishment. Pakistan, on the other hand, has failed miserably to provide any proof – technical data, satellite images, or otherwise – to back its claims. The New York Times had to grudgingly acknowledge the superiority of the Indian military operations in a piece written on May 14, 2025. Many international media outlets have been running interviews with military experts and analysts to back Indian assertions that they struck at precise locations, resulting in over 100 casualties among the Pakistanis. They have also shown satellite images provided by the Indian government and other international space technology firms to back their judgment on Operation Sindoor. India had struck at nine terror sites inside Pakistan and their occupied territories, apart from taking out 11 military infrastructure sites, including air bases, their runways, hangars, ammunition dumps, and air defence assets in the four-day military operations. Pakistan’s major reliance on Chinese military equipment has proved to be a disaster. Pakistan has been unable to back its claims of shooting down five Indian combat aircraft or bombarding Adampur air base, or even taking out Indian military assets such as the S-400 air defence system. This has resulted in the international community and media backing down on their initial claims, most of which was unnamed sources traced back to unverified social media posts. In the fog of war, news is a casualty. The fragmentation of news is a strategic victory. Untruths become the weapon of mass destruction. News becomes an instrument of war itself. As India woke up to the merciless killing of 26 innocent civilians at Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir on 22 April 2025, the media world saw an emotionally weak nation unable to bear the loss. There were no words of solace, no newsprint to waste on sympathy. There was an unspoken rejoicing. What a harsh domain the global media had become! As India responded with military strike on 7 May 2025 on nine terror camps deep inside Pakistan and in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, the Western media was unable to bear the emergence of a New India that had zero tolerance for terror. What followed was the unleashing of untruths and half-truths that beat their misplaced standards of post-truth. Brandon J. Weichert, a so-called national security editor for the American platform National Interest, rushed in on May 8, 2025, to claim that Pakistanis had won the battle with India during the latter’s Operation Sindoor. It hadn’t even been 24 hours since the Indian military operations had begun, and Brandon jumped into deliver his verdict. Operation Sindoor’s military campaign went on for three more days. Post the cessation of military operations by India, Brandon has yet to revise his assessment or claims. So much for his ethics and credibility! His first article was tweeted by Indian-origin Hotmail founder Sabeer Bhatia, who too is unrepentant on peddling Pakistan propaganda. The Pakistani line was followed by Chinese official state media such as the Global Times and China Daily, and their claims were countered by the Indian embassy in Beijing and by the Indian state-run Press Information Bureau’s Fact Check divisions. China’s concerns were real. Its entire arms export market was in line of fire. And probably this was the first time that Chinese arms were being tested in a real battle with an archrival in India. Lest we forget, China was in an eyeball-to-eyeball military confrontation with India till about six months ago in India’s Ladakh region, yet there were no real military battles that took place between them to force the use of heavier weapons. Under Operation Sindoor, India had ramped up on the escalation ladder by first targeting the terror infrastructure inside Pakistan, then shifting its strategic objective to take out Pakistani military assets. India had changed its warfare doctrine vis-à-vis terror groups supported, trained, armed, and funded by Pakistan forever. Indian Prime Minister Modi detailed New India’s approach to terror and their sponsors. India would follow a zero tolerance for terror strikes inside its territory. The nuclear war bogey would not threaten India from going after terror groups and their sponsors, thereby calling the nuclear weapons threshold bluff. And India would consider every terror attack on its citizens as an act of war, meaning Pakistan would face the Indian military might and fury in case another terror strike happened. The nuclear bluff from Pakistan was amplified by the Americans when President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio claimed they had some alarming intelligence to intervene, thereby implying that a nuclear war between India and Pakistan was in the offing. India also indicated through Prime Minister Modi and the Ministry of External Affairs that they were not buying what the Americans were peddling. India also took a strong, long-term view of its qualms with Pakistan and its self-interest, by keeping the 1960 Indus Water Treaty in abeyance even after the cessation of military operations. This, again, is a strategically important position, as India has for years now wanted to renegotiate the treaty to provide its citizens the

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Pahalgam to Ops Sindoor: A Case Study in India’s Counter-Terror Doctrine

Pahalgam to Ops Sindoor: A Case Study of India’s Counter-Terror

On the morning of April 22, 2025, in the tranquil and scenic hills of Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, a brutal and premeditated terrorist assault took place—one that fundamentally altered India’s national security posture. Twenty-six civilians, including women and children, were executed at point-blank range by Pakistan-backed terrorists after being identified based on their religious affiliation. Eyewitness accounts confirmed that the attackers interrogated the victims about their Dharma (faith) and segregated them before unleashing gunfire. This atrocity was not merely an act of terror—it was a calculated religious pogrom designed to fracture India’s communal harmony and provoke sectarian unrest. Indian government swiftly classified the attack as a gross violation of international humanitarian norms and an extension of Pakistan’s long-standing policy of proxy warfare with a deeply communal subtext.

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Operation Sindoor (May 7–10, 2025): India’s Military Response to Pakistan-backed Cross-Border Terrorism

Operation Sindoor (May 7–10, 2025): India’s Military Response to Pakistan-backed Cross-Border Terrorism

India has long accused Pakistan of using terrorism as a tool of state policy. Pakistani-based terrorist groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) are led by cadres who operate with impunity under Pakistani patronage. India routinely notes that these organizations are “Pakistan-based and supported”[1] and that top Pakistani military and civilian authorities tolerate – if not directly aid – their activities. In multiple public statements India has demanded that Pakistan “stop supporting terrorists and terror groups operating from their territory” and dismantle the infrastructure that enables them[2]. This longstanding dispute over Pakistan’s alleged state-sponsored terrorism has erupted in periodic crises over the past two decades.

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India Needs Cognitive Warfare Plan

India Needs Cognitive Warfare Plan

Fighting enemy on information highway as on ground emerges a big challenge and opportunity for Bharat that’s declared war on terror. Rohan Giri In the wake of Operation Sindoor, India’s precision strike against cross-border terrorist camps in Pakistan, a disturbing counteroffensive has emerged—not on the battlefield, but in the information domain. The recent statement by Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)—disguised as a call for peace—reveals a deeper, coordinated attempt to delegitimize India’s national security concerns. On the parallel, certain social media influencers and public figures have echoed narratives that align more with Islamabad’s propaganda machinery than with India’s democratic discourse. Convergence of disinformation, ideological proxies and cognitive warfare by deftly manipulating freedom of speech calls for deep dive analysis. Cross-Border Strikes to Cognitive Warzones Operation Sindoor was launched in response to brutal killing of 26 Indian civilians by Pakistan-backed jihadi groups in Pahalgam. Indian Armed Forces counter-terror operation—based on actionable intelligence— neutralised multiple terror hideouts along Line of Control (LoC) and deep into Pakistan. Even before the word was out on the operation, a parallel battlefront opened in the digital sphere. Assorted Left extremists who have lost the plot and support of people re-grouped under CPI(ML) had the gumption to cynically talk about “war mongering,” “mock drills,” and “jingoism” instead of outright condemnation of terrorists, their backers and handlers. Deliberate attempt has been made by CPI-ML to shift focus away from campaign against terror, victims of terror to a narrative of false equivalence placing India’s defensive response and Pakistan’s terrorism on same plane. This is not an isolated political position. It is an ideological posture with global resonance—amplified by social media handlers, YouTubers, and creators whose content is now being routinely picked up by Pakistani media to discredit India’s war against terror. Cultural Expression as Cover for Subversion For instance, Neha Singh Rathore, a content creator and folk performer came under legal scrutiny for provocative posts that allegedly promote communal disharmony. Rathore’s content—strategically laced with satire and emotion—has been widely shared across borders, especially in Pakistani outlets eager to highlight India’s “internal repression.” While art and dissent is at core of democracies like Bharat, Rathore’s content is not organically critical, instead ideologically consistent with Pakistan’s strategic communication goals. The timing, targeting and terminology in such digital content reflect more than personal opinion—they indicate agenda-setting behaviour. CPI(ML) and figures like Rathore are not merely engaging in protest; they are building parallel narratives that erode legitimacy of India’s campaign against terror. When these narratives go viral, they serve the psychological warfare strategies of hostile powers. Beijing in 1962 to Islamabad Today Maoist and marxist gangs have a long history of siding with foreign adversaries. During 1962 Sino-Indian War, segments of CPI openly supported China dismissing Indian territorial claims and branding national mobilization as bourgeois nationalism. Today, the same ideological model has evolved, more sophisticated, digitally native and far more dangerous. By refusing to condemn cross-border terrorism and attacking India’s right to respond, CPI(ML)’s latest statement resurrects this playbook. It leverages democratic tolerance to inject disinformation, exploit communal sensitivities and erode confidence of Indian populace in its institutions. The party’s warning against “war preparations” and “state violence” is couched in humanitarian concern but functionally serves to paralyze India’s right to strategic deterrence. This is not peace activism—it is information sabotage. Legal and Civic Clarity India’s commitment to free speech under Article 19 of Constitution remains robust. This freedom is not absolute. The new Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) Section 152 replacing the colonial-era sedition law, rightly targets acts that threaten unity and integrity of nation including narrative warfare. In the digital era, narrative disruptors have become as strategically valuable to the enemy as traditional insurgents. Unlike overt enemies, these actors often present themselves as poets, comedians, journalists or social reformers. Their strength lies in ambiguity, their power in virality. Perception Wars and Legitimacy Battle International opinion is increasingly shaped by perception rather than policy. In this context, India’s counter-terror narratives must compete not only with traditional media but with decentralized content ecosystems that are vulnerable to infiltration, manipulation and illegal funding. When disinformation aligns with an adversary’s diplomatic strategy i.e., portraying India as an aggressor and the region as unstable, it not only undermines counterterrorism efforts but damages India’s geopolitical credibility in multilateral forums. Suspension of Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) following Pahalgam Terror attack was a bold diplomatic move, signaling a shift in India’s engagement with Pakistan. But without narrative control, such moves risk being framed globally as escalatory rather than defensive. Strategic Culture of Narrative Resilience India needs more than military readiness; it requires a strategic communication plan that integrates law, policy and narrative discipline. This includes: CPI(ML) statement and online activism that follows it are not expressions of dissent—they are symptoms of a deeper vulnerability: India’s tolerance for internal ideological actors who camouflage sedition as satire. As India rises on the world stage, its battles will increasingly be fought in the cognitive domain. Winning them will require legal, civic, and strategic clarity. (Author is a doctoral fellow at Amity University in Gwalior, content head at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Global Terror Factories Targeted During Operation Sindoor by India

Global Terror Factories Targeted During Operation Sindoor by India 

India’s ‘Operation Sindoor’ on May 7, 2025, involved missile strikes on nine locations in Pakistan and Pakistan occupied Kashmir. India’s stated aim was to target and dismantle terrorist infrastructure used for planning and carrying out attacks against India, specifically mentioning groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), and Hizbul Mujahideen (HM). India maintained that these strikes were “focused, measured, and non-escalatory,” intended to avoid Pakistani military facilities and civilian casualties. Pakistan fake claimed that India targeted civilian areas, including mosques, resulting in significant civilian deaths and injuries. Reports from Pakistan mentioned a mosque being hit in Muzaffarabad, and a mosque complex struck in Bahawalpur, leading to casualties. India’s perspective, based on the provided information, is that these sites, irrespective of containing any religious structures, were legitimate military targets because their primary function was facilitating terrorism. They argue that the presence of religious or civilian structures might be a deliberate tactic to shield terrorist activities or gain legitimacy. India emphasized that intelligence confirmed these locations were actively used as recruitment, training, indoctrination, and operational hubs for terror groups responsible for attacks on Indian soil.

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Brief - Pakistan Targets Sikhs, Gurdwara

Brief: Pakistan Targets Sikh Gurdwara

Pakistan’s army began an unprecedented campaign of cross-border small arms and artillery bombardments into Jammu & Kashmir almost immediately after April 22, 2025 Pakistan backed terrorist attack in Pahalgam (which killed 25 Tourists, after ascertaining their Hindu faith). By April 24, India had suspended the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, and within hours Pakistan “resorted to unprovoked firing at various places along the LoC in J&K, starting from the Kashmir valley”.

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Operation Sindoor: India’s justified calibrated kinetic strikes Against Terror

Operation Sindoor: India’s justified calibrated kinetic strikes Against Terror

An unbroken thread links India’s 21‑year struggle against cross‑border terrorism, from the 2001 Parliament attack to the 2016 “surgical strikes” and the 2019 Balakot air strikes, into the present moment. On  22  April  2025 five Lashkar‑e‑Taiba gunmen slaughtered twenty‑six mostly Hindu tourists at Baisaran meadow near Pahalgam, Anantnag district, after segregating the victims by religion.[1] Within twenty‑four hours New  Delhi’s Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) validated   “cross‑border linkages,” suspended the Indus Waters Treaty and ordered a graduated response “to bring the perpetrators and their sponsors to justice.”[2] Economic and diplomatic screws turned first: a blanket ban on Pakistani imports (2  May)[3] and reciprocal port closures (4  May)[4] reduced bilateral trade to zero and shrank the two High Commissions to skeletal staffs. Yet Pakistan army mortar fire persisted across the Line of Control, and Indian intelligence traced the Pahalgam cell to Lashkar training clusters in Pakistan and Pakistan‑occupied Jammy and Kashmir (PoJK). With public outrage mounting, the government authorised a justified calibrated kinetic strike, Operation  Sindoor.

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Pahalgam Attack - A Wake-Up Call on Global Islamist Terror

Pahalgam Attack: A Wake-Up Call on Global Islamist Terror

Dr. Shailendra Kumar Pathak On April 22, 2025, the tranquil hills of Baisaran near Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, were torn apart by a chilling act of Islamist terrorism. In what stands as the deadliest civilian attack in the region in nearly two decades, four terrorists opened fire on a group of tourists, killing 26 people, including one Nepali citizen, and injuring over three dozen others. Eyewitnesses and digital evidence confirm this was no random shooting. Victims were asked to state their religion. Those unable to recite the Islamic Kalma were shot at close range. Among the slain was a Hindu tourist from Jaipur, whose zipline camera intended to capture his joyful ride instead recorded his last moments, and something more damning: a zipline operator shouting “Allahu Akbar” during the attack. That operator, now under interrogation, has become a critical link in the case. In another video circulating widely, a ponywala is seen asking a tourist intrusive Islamic religious questions; his face has since been matched with a suspect sketch. Investigators have identified at least 15 locals suspected of assisting the terrorists—guides, ponywalas, and support staff, allegedly feeding information on tourist movements, faith identities, and schedules. The terrorist outfit that claimed responsibility, The Resistance Front (TRF), is not an obscure entity. It is a front for Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), the same Pakistani group behind 2008 Mumbai attacks, 2006 train bombings, and 2001 Parliament assault. LeT is not just listed under the UN’s ISIL (Da’esh) & Al-Qaida Sanctions List as Entity QDe.118—its leader Hafiz Saeed is individually sanctioned (QDi.263) and subject to a global asset freeze and travel ban. Yet the UN Security Council’s April 25 statement on the Pahalgam attack offered nothing more than a sterilized platitude, condemning terrorism in vague terms while refusing to name the perpetrators. This is no clerical error; it is a calculated omission, an act of diplomatic cowardice. The targeting of civilians based on identity is not new. 2008 Mumbai attacks saw Jewish hostages at the Chabad House tortured before being executed. In 2015, ISIS attackers at the Paris Bataclan theatre separated Muslims from non-Muslims before slaughtering the latter. In Sri Lanka (2019), ISIS-aligned suicide bombers killed over 250 Christians during Easter Sunday services. The Normandy church attack (2016) involved a priest being murdered at the altar by Islamic extremists. In Pakistan, churches, Ahmadiyya mosques, and Hindu temples have been bombed, often with tacit state approval or outright inaction. October 7, 2023 massacre in Israel adds a stark, contemporary comparison. On that day, Hamas militants infiltrated Israeli border communities, murdering over 1,200 civilians, including women, children, and the elderly, in homes, at a music festival, and on the streets. Entire families were executed. Many victims were burned alive or taken hostage, including infants and Holocaust survivors. These attacks were not acts of war against military targets; they were ethnic-religious pogroms, carried out with ideological hatred against Jews. Multiple reports, including intercepted communications, revealed that fighters were explicitly told to “kill Jews,” not just Israelis. This ideology-driven massacre mirrors the Pahalgam killings in its intended religious cleansing, its brutality, and its celebration by supporters afterward. Back in Pahalgam, grief has turned to fury. Families of victims, especially those who lost children and spouses, have spoken out about their sense of abandonment, not just by the security failure, but by the international community’s refusal to name the attackers. Their anger is amplified by reports of local betrayal. The suspicion that those who once served tea or led treks may have helped identify targets adds a deep psychological wound to an already devastating tragedy. Investigative agencies believe this network of collaborators may have fed attackers real-time location data, ensuring maximum carnage with minimal resistance. The hypocrisy of Kashmir’s local response adds to the cynicism. While candlelight vigils were held to project an image of peace, journalists who arrived to report on the massacre were heckled, assaulted, and chased away. This duplicity, mourning in public, silencing in private—echoes the broader playbook used by Pakistan: deny, distract, deflect. For decades, Pakistan’s military intelligence (ISI) has funded, trained, and protected groups like LeT and Jaish-e-Mohammed. In case of Pahalgam, the role of Musa, a former Pakistani army commando, is of growing interest. Intelligence sources suggest Musa may have crossed over to direct operations or provide tactical training. Yet, his name is barely mentioned in international reports, a telling sign of selective attention. The UN’s refusal to name TRF or Lashkar-e-Taiba, despite overwhelming evidence and the group’s own admission, underscores a deeper rot. If the world’s premier multilateral body cannot call out named terrorists already on their own sanctions list, it sends a message: Islamist terror enjoys immunity when it wears the right diplomatic camouflage. This soft-pedaling emboldens not only the perpetrators but their state sponsors. It reduces global counterterrorism to a performative charade. And this is not an Indian problem alone. It is a global crisis. Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al-Shabaab in Kenya, ISIS in Iraq and Syria, Taliban in Afghanistan, and Pakistani-backed groups in South Asia have all deployed religious tests as tools of mass murder. Victims are asked to recite the Quran or Kalma. If they can’t, they are executed. From Christians in Sri Lanka to Yazidis in Sinjar, from Jews in Israel to Hindus in Bangladesh and Bharat, Islamist terror follows a consistent playbook: identify the non-believer, isolate them, and eliminate them. The deeper tragedy is that much of the world still treats Islamist terror as a regional irritant rather than a global ideological threat. When white supremacists commit attacks, global condemnation is swift and names are named. When Islamist terrorists do the same, often with greater frequency and casualties, responses are diluted, obfuscated, or simply censored. The idea that naming the ideology behind terror would offend communities is both condescending and dangerous. It equates faith with fanaticism, and worse, it gives cover to ideological murderers. We must confront a hard truth: the silence of global institutions, the equivocation of Western governments, and the duplicity of UN bodies like

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