Disinformation Hindus

American Paradox: Campus Protests in U.S. Universities

This unfolding scenario in U.S. campuses, casts a sobering light on the United States, a nation that brands itself as a global proponent of human rights and freedom of expression, underscoring the imperative for the U.S. to embody the principles it espouses, lest its credibility, be called into question. Rahul Pawa Nearly seven months have passed since Operation Al-Aqsa Storm—a military-grade terrorist attack carried out by sunni Islamist terror outfit Hamas and supported by four other Palestinian terrorist groups. This dreaded terrorist attack resulted in tragic deaths of approximately 1,200 Israelis and foreign nationals, and more than 240 people were taken hostage into Gaza from Israel, marking it as Israel’s deadliest day since its founding in 1948. In response to the terrorist attacks, Israel vowed to annihilate Hamas, launching a series of airstrikes and subsequent ground operations inside Gaza. According to the latest reports from the Hamas-controlled health ministry in Gaza, at least 34,596 individuals have been killed in Gaza since then. Fast forward to today, in the aftermath of the attack and Israel’s subsequent response, universities across the United States have become epicentres of heated debate, discord, and violence characterised by anti-Semitic and anti-Israel rhetoric. In the past month alone, escalating contentions at US universities have led to the arrest of over 1500 protesters across 30 U.S. campuses. This unfolding scenario casts a sobering light on the United States, a nation that brands itself as a global proponent of human rights and freedom of expression, underscoring the imperative for the U.S. to embody the principles it espouses, lest its credibility, be called into question. (Author is Director – Research at New Delhi based think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Uncategorized

694

BBC Revamps, ‘Collective Newsroom’ Takes Off In Bharat

Former BBC professionals float Indian media firm, run BBC six languages news operations along with Youtube channel Rupa Jha A few colleagues and I working with the BBC in India decided to start our own venture, ��Collective Newsroom’, an independent media company. But, it was not the most obvious and easy choice. It came out of a very real and difficult situation that our employer BBC in India faced. Foreign Direct Investments in India will have to be capped at 26 per cent for digital news outfits. So far, over 99 percent of BBC India shares were owned by UK-based British Broadcasting Corporation. This meant that the BBC could not operate the way it has for so many years in India. It meant hundreds of employees in India could lose jobs and space to do independent and credible journalism. The thought itself was very demoralising. Why should I quit journalism or leave my country to do journalism. At end of the day, we wanted two things – continue to do trustworthy journalism and be in India. It became evident that this needed a very out of box thinking, courage and sense of entrepreneurship. Four of us decided to quit The BBC and launch Collective Newsroom. We got five others as shareholders. As a fully owned independent Indians owned media company, Collective newsroom secured BBC as its first client. It was a historic moment for us all and we embarked on this new venture with a clear vision to be home to India’s most credible, creative and courageous journalism. The journey to our launch that happened on April 10 this year has not been without challenges. While we had to seek answers to previously unasked questions, work imaginatively and innovatively, I am proud that working collaboratively and closely with all those journalists working in different language in India; we have reached this milestone. The level of commitment, dedication and aspiration that the staff members have shown in recent months is evident. Starting April 10, 2024, Collective Newsroom is the sole producer and publisher for BBC content in six Indian languages – Hindi, Tamil, Telugu, Gujarati, Punjabi and Marathi. We also run BBC Youtube channel in English for Indian audiences. It’s historic for the BBC to give a third-party license to operate its platforms. Therefore, I call this as a project in trust and innovation. On personal front, it’s a huge learning curve for me. Being chief executive officer of Collective Newsroom, I’m certainly in a space which is very new, different and male dominated but what could be more exciting than breaking the glass ceiling!! The fear of unknown stops us from taking an uncharted route. Is this scary? Of course it is!! But with my team, I feel everything is possible. Do I fear? Yes, I do, but I will also overcome it. The Courage is resistance to fear and faith is a fundamental part of life and I lean on the faith that together with my team, we shall overcome. I believe we have the skills and expertise to make Collective Newsroom a standout success in the market. As we say in our mission, we will lead with facts and bring audiences diverse voices through innovative and impactful journalism in public interest. It’s a formidable offer. In a world inundated with breaking news updates, sensational and misleading headlines, Collective Newsroom is committed to authenticity, depth and empathy in storytelling. Collective Newsroom is committed to a digital-first strategy for modern newsrooms, producing superior quality stories spanning a myriad of platforms and formats, ensuring our reach are as diverse as communities that we serve. What sets us apart is our unwavering focus on going beyond the headlines. We delve deep into the heart of stories, bringing in-depth ground reports and human narratives brimming with empathy and clearly marked by fairness and impartiality. Our skilled, experienced and brave reporters go where many dare not—within India and around the world—all in pursuit of facts from the ground. Our fearless approach to storytelling ensures that we amplify voices of those often overlooked, putting humans at the centre of every narrative. Our explainers and analysis make sense of the intricate tapestry of local, national and international events and offer valued reach for a meaningful growth trajectory. We use cutting-edge technology and innovate with media to produce unique stories you are not likely to see elsewhere. The accolades we’ve garnered, national and international serve as a testament to our unwavering dedication to excellence. Yet, more than any shiny trophy, it is trust of the audience that remains our greatest honour. This trust is reflected in the fact that our client, BBC has its largest international audience in India. Such recognition is testament to our shared commitment to truth, integrity, and the power of storytelling. (Author is chief executive officer, Collective Newsroom, BBC News Indian languages)

Disinformation Geopolitics Hindus Misinformation Rebuttal

603

Exposing Inaccuracies: A Sharp Critique of the US State Department’s Human Rights Report

Rohan Giri US State Department’s annual human rights report for 2023 on Bharat (India)[1] appears to have lost credibility in its assessment of human rights incidents. It’s latest edition brings forth numerous significant issues that necessitate a response. Unfortunately, the report’s depiction of Bharat’s human rights landscape suffers from a noticeable agenda, undermining its own integrity as an self appointed, global evaluative agency. The report draws on sources that are both unreliable and ambiguous, including media reports and statements from NGOs, which fail to comprehensively represent the human rights situation in Bharat. Such sources lack the depth required to understand the nuances and recognise progress in these areas. Moreover, numerous instances of factually incorrect or misleading data undermine the report’s credibility and distract from addressing legitimate human rights issues that demand serious consideration. Furthermore, the report’s methodology of aggregating data over extended periods, sometimes spanning more than five years, distorts the current state of affairs. It is perplexing why the report does not focus on the human rights conditions of a specific year, rather than a cumulative period. This approach to data aggregation skews perceptions and hinders a true understanding of the present conditions and the improvements made. These significant flaws necessitate a rigorous review and response to ensure that discussions about human rights in Bharat are based on accurate, timely, and contextual information. This rebuttal aims to correct these misconceptions, provide relevant data, and offer a nuanced perspective that accurately reflects both the ongoing challenges and the significant advancements of Bharat. While the report contains several misrepresentations. However, for the purpose of this rebuttal, we are highlighting a select few to assist the US state department in re-reflecting on its sources, information, and overall presentation. Section on Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings reported, “On July 31, media reports stated security official Chetan Singh killed his senior officer and three men who identified as Muslims on a train near Mumbai, targeting them based on their appearance.” The family members of the three men called the incident “a hate crime” and “an act of terror” based on the hate speech Singh used against the three men before he shot them. Police arrested Singh on the same day.” Report frames the incident in a way that suggests two Muslims, who unexpectedly died in this accident, were targeted because of their faith. However, conversations with those close to the situation narrate a different story. Ghanshyam Acharya, who was on duty with Chetan, provided further context in his statement to the Railway Police, recounted that shortly after their duty started, he observed ASI Meena mention that Chetan was running a fever and still had two hours of duty ahead.[2] However, the manner in which the US Human Rights Report represents the incident raises serious concerns about the accuracy of its sources and the integrity of its presentation. The same section asserts that the deaths in regions like Jammu and Kashmir and those affected by Maoist terrorism are fault of Indian security forces. Nevertheless, it is a fact that Pakistan backed terrorists and Naxal Maoist terrorists pose the most substantial threat to both the development, peace and security of the region. It is also a fact that the Indian Security forces have carried out several operations against terrorists, often suffering heavy casualties in their pursuit of protecting their motherland and its habitants. To put things into perspective, website of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights was updated on March 24, 2023, with the headline “India: UN expert demands immediate end to crackdown on Kashmiri human rights defenders,”[3] in which UN Special Rapporteur Mary Lawlor talks about those who illegally concealed their original identity, supported terrorist activities, and furthered their cause. Mary Lawlor should understand that her job is to defend rights, not crimes. Lawlor previously directed the Irish chapter of Amnesty International from 1988 to 2000.[4] In several instances , Lawlor has violated the UN code of conduct by agenda driven narrative building, especially about India, a sovereign and respectable UN member state. Furthermore, the U.S. State Human Rights Report details that ‘on October 31, the Supreme Court announced it would hear the bail plea of student and human rights activist Umar Khalid on November 22, which was then adjourned to January 2024. Khalid has been repeatedly denied bail since his 2020 arrest under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).’ Despite international and local activists demanding Khalid’s release, citing his arbitrary detention without trial since 2020, the report fails to mention significant details. For instance, Khalid’s counsel requested seven of the fourteen adjournments during his Supreme Court hearings. Furthermore, the public prosecutor pointed out during the bail hearings that Khalid often creates narratives in the media and online. It is also noteworthy that Khalid, described in the report as a ‘student and human rights activist,’ is the son of Syed Qasim Rasool Ilyas, a former member of the banned terrorist group Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Khalid is accused of being a primary conspirator in the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi riots, which resulted in significant legal charges against him. The U.S. State Department’s report, perhaps naively, seems to undermine the judiciary of a sovereign state and a key U.S. partner. Such an approach is safely viewed as a misuse of state department resources to further specific agendas, particularly concerning India. The Human Rights Report inaccurately used the killing of Canadian Terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar to propagate the notion that the Indian government is engaged in global repression. It notes, ‘On September 18, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced that his government was investigating allegations linking Indian government agents to the killing of Sikh Canadian citizen Hardeep Singh Nijjar, who had been designated as a terrorist by India and advocated for the creation of an independent Sikh state, Khalistan. The Indian government has denied any involvement. However, this portrayal overlooks significant details. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s allegations of Indian agency involvement were made

Hindus

574

Half-Truths Presented to Debunk Hard Reality of Jihad

Jain, S., Alavi, M., & Sharma, S. (2024). Love Jihad and Other Fictions: Simple facts to counter viral falsehoods (1st ed.). Aleph. Dr Amritpal Kaur American novelist Colson Whitehead had said, ‘what isn’t said is as important as what is said’. The Book Love Jihad and Other Fictions is an apt example of what is left out of the narrative. To begin with, the book deals with the phenomenon of Love Jihad and several other forms of Jihad that its authors believe as works of fiction. To them there is no solid ground to base the argument of Love Jihad. Broadly, the book attempts to debunk three forms of Jihad namely, Love Jihad, Population Jihad and conversion of people from Hinduism to Christianity. It argues that these ‘jihad’ or Muslim holy wars (by means of Marriage and progeny) are works of fiction. On the contrary it seeks to find ground reality to set the record straight. As the reader goes through the analysis, it is glaring that the said “facts” are rather subjective interpretations of individuals and often one-sided. In fact, it’s precisely the reason for not being able to convince the reader about the realities. To begin with, in the chapter on Love Jihad, the book sites Kerala’s very first Love Jihad case in the country where luring of a woman in the name of love and marriage led to her marriage and eventual conversion to Islam. The chapter discusses in detail about the thoughts and feelings of the man involved. However, we do not hear about the side of the Girl or her parents primarily as to why she left the man, Shahan Sha. It is important to acknowledge that in a huge majority of inter-faith marriages, it is the Hindu woman who has to convert to Islam. It seldom happens, if at all that the Muslim man converts to Hinduism. There are a number of cases where girls have reported physical and sexual abuse after initial courting period to forcefully convert to Islam. In many cases it has led to their untimely and often violent deaths. In subsequent analysis on Love Jihad, the book emphatically deals primarily with English media as the ‘next best source’ for information. However, neutrality of Media and objectivity of facts is questionable. It would be anybody’s guess as to if the analysis is mainly based on media reports and not the unbiased information, it would be coloured by political leanings of the author and media house concerned. On population jihad, the book tries to debunk the idea that higher muslim birth rate has led to larger size of muslims population, The ‘facts and comparisons it gives are rather mind-boggling. For example, it argues that fertility rate of Muslims in South India is lower than that Hindus in the North India. Polygamy is not cited as one of the reasons for such spurt in Muslims numbers crossed 210 million in recent years. Comparative analysis of fertility levels should have been based on samples from the same region rather than mixing up data by design and intention. Same spin on facts has been given in the case of Muslims in Assam. The book argues that muslims fertility rates in Assam is higher than that of Hindus but is not much different from national average. Can there be a true comparison when the question they seek to answer is higher population growth of Muslims in the state? The true comparison would have been between Hindus and Muslims numbers, growth rates and percentages in the same north-eastern state of Assam. That would have shown shift in population composition. By bringing the variable on aggregate Indian growth rate, the book attempts to muddy waters in favour of one individual group. Third issue dealt with is conversion of Hindus primarily into Christianity. The book argues that threat of conversion into Christianity is unreal. The case cited to elucidate the point is that of Lavanya, a teenage girl who committed suicide due to psychological pressure put on her to change her religion. The book sees the suicide as ‘complex phenomenon’ based on the family life of the girl without giving categorical ‘facts’ to either prove that Lavanya died due to conversion pressure or otherwise. Since Lavanya died due to complex issues it cannot be attributed to Christian warden of her hostel. What saves this analysis otherwise is the fact that the case is being heard by the courts. By questioning integrity and attachment of her family it sought to discard the forceful conversion of a bubbly teenage girl as main reason for her death. Ironically, had it been the case otherwise, the authors would have been a wee bit harsh in the name, calling a spade a spade. Similar courtesy has not been extended in this case as the girl is a Hindu. It is important to realize and acknowledge that muddled facts can be misleading too, views from different sources were to be heard from all the sides to derive a value neutral and objective assessment. However, the book presents one-sided analysis and by placing only convenient bits of information with wrong comparative set narratives, it paints a wrong picture. It undermines the concerns of those who have suffered at hands of such propaganda. Scores of girls’ families that died at hands of vengeful and violent suiters who pressure them to convert to Islam would vastly disagree with the book’s analysis. In fact, it is a classic case of how facts can be used to lie. (Author is Assistant Professor in Political Sciences, Dayal Singh College, Delhi University, New Delhi)

Disinformation Media Misinformation World

678

What’s Ailing Foreign Media in India?

Is it lack of press freedom? Or, limited skills sets to report from a large, diverse country like Bharat that has bowled them over? K.A.Badarinath Why’s it that global media operating in Bharat is acerbic? Being bitter or sour on substantive work issues is understandable given that Bharat may look complex for many of them. For those who are first timers in Bharat, understanding this country may not be easy at all. Sensitivities, socio-economic matrix, clutch of movements, political ideologies across 28 states and eight union territories, might virtually stump even the hardnosed journalists with experience. Many news organizations internationally have made it a point to have bases in Bharat given her growing clout on global forums, strong and consistent growth showing and soft power clout that she enjoys. From G-20, BRICS to WTO, banks and financial institutions, there’s no significant global project in which Bharat goes unrepresented or her indulgence is sought. Given the potential for Bharat to emerge as third largest economic powerhouse in a couple of years during possible third five-year term of Prime Minister Modi and huge appetite to know more about developments in this country has made it mandatory for top media companies to have offices and representatives here. From early ‘90s, especially when Dr Manmohan Singh as finance minister kicked off economic reforms Bharat began its arduous journey to reconnect with the world in her own unique way. It’s only now that Bharat is asserting and carving out niche space for herself. In these last 30-odd years, several global media houses either sent their correspondents here or opened full news bureaus here. Some have had multiple teams like British Broadcasting Corporation that even began offering news packages in Indian languages. Television, digital media and radio networks apart from print newspapers from all continents have had their presence before and after economic reforms were rolled out. Capturing trends in a nation on the move has had become an inevitability for media outlets. From CNN, Fox to ABC, you name the news outlet and it has been represented in this country. Similar is the case with top four news agencies and beyond. Both European and the US media houses have over the years’ evolved content sharing arrangements with Bharatiya counterparts. Most foreign media companies editorial policies may have been driven or influenced by their Indian partners. Also, top Bharat bred journalists have had anchored news operations for top notch media brands internationally. Given the globe-trotting nature of Bharatiya professionals, several of our big names helm news outlets internationally. In this backdrop, a couple of foreign media professionals leaving Bharat due to circumstances ‘beyond normal’ have kicked up a debate in the community. Avani Dias, South Asia Bureau Chief of Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) exit for personal reasons has been twisted to say that it was due to ‘undue pressure’ from Indian government. French journalist Vanessa Dougnac’s departure a few months back also hit front pages in Bharat and France. In both these cases, facts are diametrically opposite to what appeared in the news networks. A new assignment at ‘Four Corners’ clinched in June 2023 and a wedding in December 2023 were reported by ‘Australia Today’ as prime reasons for Avani Dias to return to Australia. Reported violation of journalists work visa conditions led to exit of French journalist Vanessa Dougnac. Interestingly enough, both claimed that ‘there was no press freedom in India’ or it was ‘very difficult’ to function as a newsperson in Bharat. Well, if that was true, how’s it that hundreds of news stories are routinely despatched by foreign media outlets each day from Bharat? How’s it that dozens of foreign journalists made Bharat their second home though they came here due to professional assignments? Is it even possible to control well diversified and organized media industry in this country? In one of the public speeches, 88-year old BBC veteran Mark Tully lamented that ‘developments in India’ were not properly reported. After all, Tully has a point. Can any government or political formation worth its salt even entertain the idea of manipulating over 146,000 newspapers and periodicals with combined 270 million copies published in dozens of languages? Would anyone even imagine seeking control on hundreds of TV channels broadcast in dozens of languages? If Indian newspapers, magazines, TV networks and digital platforms cannot be ‘controlled’ or ‘suppressed’ per se, can one even think of driving out foreign journalist professionals after having exerted ‘undue pressure’ as claimed by a few? Thumb rule is to not violate laws of the land including foreign journalist visa conditions. Is asking foreign media companies to make corporate disclosures same as curbing press freedom? Has the Indian government committed a grievous crime of sorts in expecting European and US media companies to comply with taxation rules and pay taxes commensurate with profits sans evasion? Beginning with BBC tax surveys, foreign journalists exit to charges on press freedom, has something seriously gone wrong with international media? Have they lost it all together? Or, is it the colonial mind-set that drives a few foreign journalists’ cheap theatrics? Should Bharat revisit its whole policy on foreign media engagement as companies, joint ventures, representative offices and sending news professionals? What’s ailing the foreign media in Bharat? It is a billion dollar question! (author is Director & Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Disinformation Hindus Misinformation Pakistan Security

653

Big Expose on Islamist Disinformation Network: Case Against UK-IMC

This investigative report shines a light on sprawling network of Islamist disinformation within the United Kingdom. Focusing on organizations and individuals that masquerade as advocacy, educational or charity groups, this study details how these entities are not just disseminating manipulated narratives but intricately connected in a system designed to mislead the British public about issues concerning Bharat and in particular Hindus around the world. Central to our investigation is the role of UK-IMC, an entity within this network that purports to champion Muslim interests. Our analysis reveals that its activities extend far beyond advocacy, steering into the realm of misinformation and anti-Hindu, anti-India rhetoric. The report explores strategic dissemination channels employed by these groups that are crafted to foster divisions and propagate biased agenda against Hindus and India. Through this exposé, we aim to unravel the deceptive tactics and highlight the need for vigilance and informed understanding among British populace and the world about such agenda driven Islamist disinformation organizations. (Author is Director – Research at New Delhi based think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Hindus Media Security

640

Dreams, Promising Careers to Abrupt Death!

Harsh realities faced by Indian students seeking opportunities in US, Europe, UK & Australia need immediate recognition with comprehensive solutions Rohan Giri Shocking murder of Chirag Antil, 24-year-old student in Vancouver, Canada brings to fore pressing concerns that overseas students in particular from India faced while studying abroad. Chirag’s murder is not a singular instance. It’s culmination of several other such cases. It should be seen in light of the troubling trend of violence that impacts students who travel to several countries across geographies for education, leisure, work and business apart from leisure. A string of murders or deaths that were reported by media houses from different countries prompts immediate concerns about the adequacy of safety and protection measures for these expatriates. Since beginning of 2024, more than eleven Indian students in United States alone have tragically died, either as victims of murder or under suspicious circumstances. Chirag’s case follows an unsettlingly recognizable pattern: like most such occurrences, police investigations continue without capturing any of the perpetrators. US and Canadian authorities and media outlets till now have viewed many of these incidents as part of crime statistics and road rage. But, it’s important to recognize that each of these incidents signifies a profound and tragic loss for the families who have endured loss of their children. Chirag, hailed from Sonipat, Haryana, aspired to continue his studies in Canada. But, abrupt end to his life casts a long shadow over safety and wellbeing of our youngsters in these self-proclaimed advanced societies and nations. The response—or lack thereof—from local authorities, as well as perceived indifference, can exacerbate the family’s trauma. According to Chirag’s brother, Romit, communication from Canadian police has been minimal leaving the family to grapple for answers and support. Chirag’s murder has till date not been directly linked to targeted killing, but it is important to recognize the general threat perception for Indian diaspora in certain regions including threats from extremist groups. Khalistani extremist activity has been of significant concern in parts of Canada apart from US, European cities and UK. These extremist elements have had targeted persons of Indian origin over the years, creating a climate of fear and insecurity among the community. Violence plagues Vancouver as multiple gangs often engage in clashes, frequently involving innocent bystanders in their violent fights. Harsh Khatri, a close friend of Chirag Antil has told Glacier Media, “Antil was in the wrong place at the wrong time and misidentified.” Although Khatri did not explicitly attribute the occurrence to any particular gang or plot, the hint was apparent: these gangs are still actively and dangerously operative in Vancouver. A violent rampage from December 2020 to May 2021 highlights this dark reality resulting in loss of over fifteen lives due to gang-related violence. These violent clashes reflect picture of a city grappling with a persistent battle against gang violence where misidentification could lead to death. The city’s cycle of violence is heavily influenced by drug traffickers operating at medium to high levels. On March 30, 2024 gunfire broke out during daytime hours causing mayhem on streets of downtown Vancouver. The incident occurred on a Saturday afternoon, causing frightened visitors to quickly seek shelter in surrounding establishments and cafés. Eyewitness claimed that the assault was directed towards a specific individual who is believed to be a member of the infamous Brothers Keepers gang. The victim was inside a black SUV when bullets ruthlessly penetrated it. With a sense of urgency, the impaired vehicle rushed uncontrollably from an alley onto Robson Street, resulting in a collision with another SUV. In the midst of this disorder, two dogs sustained bullet injuries, requiring immediate medical attention from a veterinarian. There were no other injuries recorded. Nevertheless, the individuals responsible for the shootings are still unidentified and not apprehended and this resulted in the community not being able to cope with the ongoing recurrence of violence associated with gangs. Situation emphasizes the importance of strong and effective support mechanisms for students, both from the countries hosting them and from their home country’s diplomatic channels. The efforts made by Chirag’s family to bring his body back to their home country Bharat with the help of an internet fundraising platform (GoFundMe) and involvement of Indian authorities highlight larger problem of bureaucratic and logistical obstacles that can intensify the sorrow experienced by grieving families. Indian government and its diplomatic missions overseas have consistently expressed concern about escalation in extremist activities and their potential consequences for security of Indian diaspora. Indian students in Canada have an extra level of vulnerability which necessitates that they be more cautious and take stronger security measures. Extremist factions have a tendency to escalate isolated incidents into larger confrontations or deliberate assaults on individuals with Indian affiliation. The lack of immediate and transparent communication from Canadian authorities, as described by the family, points to a need for improved international cooperation on such sensitive incidents. Diplomatic entities must proactively engage and support nationals in distress, ensuring they do not navigate foreign legal and procedural mazes alone. Chirag’s death brings to light essential measures for safety of international students. Educational institutions and local governments must bolster their efforts to ensure these young individuals are not just seen as temporary residents or tuition payers but as integral, protected members of the community. Enhanced safety measures, clear communication channels and dedicated support for international students are imperative to prevent such tragedies and nurture a truly inclusive and secure environment. Tragic end to Chirag Antil’s promising journey is a call for action by all stakeholders involved in international student mobility. It’s a reminder of the responsibilities that host nations like US, European members, UK and Australia should shoulder towards these young lives, far from home, in pursuit of their avocation. (the author is Head of Content at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a New Delhi based non-partisan think-tank)

Disinformation Hindus Human Rights Policy Security

661

Bangladeshi Hindus Face Religious Persecution

The book brings to fore sexual assault, rapes, extreme inhuman discrimination perpetuated by Muslim vandals on minority Hindus. Prakhar Sharma “Being Hindu In Bangladesh” is documentation of a narrative often sidelined in mainstream discourse. Authored by Deep Halder, an esteemed editor and Avishek Biswas, a seasoned professor, this publication offers first-hand account of the lives of Hindus in Bangladesh, transcending mere secondary research to provide a grassroots perspective. The book cover serves as a powerful prelude to the content within. Adorned with stark red blood sign, it commands attention and sets tone for the narrative. This imagery resonates deeply evoking visceral responses and hinting at harsh realities faced by Hindus in Bangladesh. It captures author’s experiences in Dhaka. Within the pages of this tome lie two prevailing sentiments that encapsulate plight of Hindus in Bangladesh. Firstly, there is the pervasive fear that under the rule of opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the already precarious situation of Hindus would deteriorate further with murderous mobs threatening their very existence. Secondly, even under governance of the Awami League, Hindus continue to harbour concerns about their future, uncertain about what awaits them beyond the tenure of Sheikh Hasina. Halder and Biswas meticulously unravel these beliefs, presenting a harrowing portrait of challenges faced by Hindus in a predominantly Muslim nation. They delve into grim reality of unprovoked violence, where Hindus routinely lose not only their land and livelihoods but their homes and daughters to marauding mobs. These incidents, occurring year-round and predominantly in rural areas, remain obscured from journalistic scrutiny, compelling the authors to undertake a journalistic odyssey akin to war reporting. In “Being Hindu In Bangladesh,” Halder and Biswas have not only shed light on a marginalized narrative but have provided a platform for voices that often go unheard. Their work stands as a testament to resilience of a community grappling with adversity, urging readers to confront uncomfortable truths and advocate for change. “Dalit – Muslim Unity is a false Narrative” Yes, you have read it correctly. Deep Halder, the book’s author, ventured to Mandal’s house in Bangladesh, gathering evidence and first-hand information for his narrative. The book meticulously unravels the story behind “Jai Bhim – Jai Mem,” a narrative that has been romanticized over decades. Halder skilfully captures life of Jogendranath Mandal, Pakistan’s first Law Minister and a towering figure in pre-partition dalit leadership. Mandal, who opted for Pakistan over India, envisioned harmonious coexistence between dalits and muslims in newly-formed nation. However, as communal tensions escalated, Hindus began fleeing East Pakistan for India in large numbers with Mandal eventually following suit. Few in Mandal’s lower-middle-class neighbourhood now recall that this very house was host to the eminent leader during his twilight years. Mandal, disillusioned and broken, spent his final years here, perhaps reflecting on his shattered dream of Hindu-Muslim unity in East Pakistan. He passed away in obscurity in Bongaon, North 24 Parganas, West Bengal, in 1968. The house, adorned with blue windows and nondescript outer walls, is owned by Bharat Chandra Adhikary. Adhikary extended refuge to Mandal upon his return to India in 1950, offering solace to a man who had resigned from the Pakistani cabinet in despair. In his resignation letter to Pakistan’s Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, dated October 8, 1950, Mandal expressed his belief that economic interests of Muslims and Scheduled Castes in Bengal were aligned. However, disillusionment with Muslim League and scepticism towards Indian National Congress and Hindu Mahasabha eventually led him to accept unpopularity of his decision to support Pakistan. Halder’s exploration of Mandal’s life and choices offers readers a nuanced understanding of complexities surrounding identity, politics, and communalism in tumultuous era of partition. Through meticulous research and poignant storytelling, Halder brings to light the untold story of a man whose ideals and aspirations were ultimately overshadowed by harsh realities of history. “Noakhali Horror” In a poignant interview reminiscent of haunting tales depicted in “Pather Panchali,” Deep Halder met with Smritikana Biswas, a 90-year-old witness to horrors of Hindu – Muslim riots in Noakhali in 1946 and subsequent atrocities in 2021 which included attacks on Hindu temples and homes. Biswas recounted a chilling memory of her father’s desperate attempt to save her sister during the 1946 pogrom, where violence threatened their village located hours away from Dhaka. It was a haunting decision but the only means to safeguard the girl. Even now, the trauma of witnessing mutilated bodies and stench of blood still lingers, as Biswas confessed to Halder, reflecting on tragic events that have left an indelible mark on her life. Each time I revisited this chapter, I found myself recoiling in horror. Through first-hand account of Purnima Rani Shil, detailed in “Horror In The Countryside,” the grim reality of plight faced by Bangladesh’s Hindu population came into stark focus. Shil’s harrowing experience on the night of October 8, 2001 where she was brutally assaulted and violated until losing consciousness, serves as a reminder of unfathomable brutality endured by countless individuals. Even worse, the perpetrators and their associates continue to torment her with incessant harassment. Why This Book is ‘Different’? What sets “Being Hindu In Bangladesh” apart from other contemporary literature is its distinctive focus on a narrative often overlooked in discussions of war and history. While numerous books delve into broader themes of conflict and violence, this publication stands out by addressing a significant gap in partition literature which has predominantly been shaped by a selective narrative favoured by left historians. Moreover, Partition of Bengal and its aftermath remain underexplored topics, lacking the attention it rightfully deserves. Authors Deep Halder and Abhishek Biswas seize the opportunity to rectify this oversight. They embark on a unique journey into lives of Hindus in Bangladesh, traversing the country to document their experiences, challenges, and broader socio-political landscape. By shining a spotlight on this overlooked aspect of history, the authors offer readers a more comprehensive understanding of complexities inherent in post-partition societies. Hindu American Foundation’s report revealing that 11.3 million Hindus have fled Bangladesh due to religious persecution

Hindus Human Rights Insurgency Misinformation Security

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Pakistan, China Rob Balochs Freedom to Live

Protests in Amsterdam, Berlin on ‘black day’ against forced occupation and annexation of Balochi land marks 76 years struggle for liberation Rahul Pawa Seventy-six years ago, on March 27, 1948, Pakistan’s occupation and forceful annexation of Balochistan ignited a bloody conflict that has simmered since decades and claimed innumerable lives. This annexation, far from being a justifiable integration, signalled start of a prolonged struggle for Baloch people, who have since endured relentless torment and despair. Despite passage of time, the spirit of resistance within Balochistan remains undiminished, as its people continue to assert their rejection of Pakistani illegal occupation. This struggle is not just a tale of contested territory but a profound testament to resilience of Baloch peoples’ steadfast in their pursuit of self-determination. Baloch account for roughly 15 million of Pakistan’s 240 million people, however, their province, largest in current day Pakistan, stands as the country’s most backward region despite its immense wealth in natural resources. This stark contrast is highlighted by its vast reserves of oil, coal, gold, copper, and gas which significantly contribute to Pakistan’s revenue. Result of, Balochistan has experienced a prolonged period of neglect and exploitation by the Pakistani state, which has primarily focused on exploiting its rich mineral resources without consideration for the people of Balochistan. This exploitation came to a head following Pakistan’s nuclear tests on May 28, 1998, at the Ras Koh mountains in Balochistan, which had devastating environmental and health impacts on the local population. The tests resulted in significant livestock losses and led to increased cancer rates among the Baloch people due to nuclear radiation exposure. These actions have fueled discontent and resistance against the state authorities. In addition to environmental degradation and a public health crisis, the region has been subjected to severe human rights abuses, including enforced disappearances and a notorious “kill and dump” policy of the Pakistan Army. This inhumane treatment has further exacerbated tensions in the occupied territory and fueled discontent leading to resistance against the Pakistani state and highlighted the urgent need for addressing severe human rights concerns in Balochistan. The dire situation in Balochistan, as unveiled in a 2016 United Nations Working Group’s assessment and corroborated by activist accounts, illustrates a severe human rights crisis that has not been adequately reported or acknowledged by the Pakistani state. The discrepancy between the provincial government’s admission of fewer than 100 missing persons and data from local sources of over 14,000 individuals missing underscores a profound transparency and accountability issue. Furthermore, while the Pakistan Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances documented 2,708 missing persons since 2011, activists report a staggering 504 extrajudicial killings within the province in just the previous year alone. These numbers, vastly divergent from official state reports, highlight a critical gap in the state’s acknowledgment and documentation of human rights abuses pointing to state complicity in the violations against the people of Balochistan. In addition, banking on occupied territories, the province hosts Pakistan’s only deep-sea port at Gwadar. This port, pivotal to the US $65 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a project designed to connect southwestern China with the Arabian Sea via Pakistan, has added another layer of occupation of Baloch lands by the Communist Party of China (CPC) and its People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The strategic significance of Gwadar Port extends beyond economic interests, serving as a key maritime node in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This development aims to expand China’s influence through a vast network of trade routes and infrastructure projects across Asia, Africa, and Europe. However, the expansion of Gwadar Port and the broader CPEC initiative have raised concerns among the Baloch population regarding sovereignty and the fair distribution of resources. These massive infrastructure projects serve the interests of CPC and Pakistani federal stakeholders, compounding environmental impacts, the displacement of local populations, and the alteration of traditional livelihoods. The influx of foreign workers, particularly from China, and the prioritisation of their needs and security have created an environment where the rights and welfare of the local population are sidelined. Reports of forced marriages have sparked outrage, highlighting the exploitation and vulnerability of local communities amidst the sweeping changes brought by these Chinese projects. This scenario is further complicated by extreme instances of human rights violations, including the suppression of dissent, censorship, and the curtailing of freedoms. The Baloch population’s grievances are not limited to economic marginalisation but extend to a profound sense of cultural and societal invasion. The presence of PLA and Pakistani security forces, under the guise of protecting investments, has led to a militarisation of the region, contributing to a climate of occupation, fear and repression. In the face of persistent human rights abuses and the forceful occupation of their homeland, the Baloch community worldwide observes March 27th as a ‘black day’, symbolising resistance against their land’s forced annexation. Spearheaded by the Baloch National Movement (BNM), significant protests across cities like Amsterdam and Berlin highlight Baloch struggle for freedom, denouncing Pakistan’s oppressive control, amplified by the complicating presence of China’s CPC and PLA through projects like the CPEC. This international outcry, marked by rallies and informative campaigns, not only exposes the dire situation in Balochistan but also calls for global intervention. The Baloch people’s defiance is a plea for recognition of their sovereignty and an end to external exploitations—a clear demand for justice and respect for human rights in the shadow of occupation and exploitation. (Author is Director – Research at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a non-partisan think tank based in New Delhi)

Disinformation Hindus Human Rights Insurgency Misinformation Policy Security

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Jinnah’s Fallacy Commemorated as Pakistan’s National Day!

The Lahore Resolution, aka Pakistan Resolution, written by Sher-e-Bangla A.K. Fazlul Huq, said that Muslims in India were a separate country with their own social, religious, and cultural identities. It called for the creation of independent states in areas where Muslims predominated. Despite the resolution’s own lack of mention of the term “Pakistan,” it planted the seeds for its ultimate establishment. Millions of Muslims’ hopes for their political future were brought to life and given a tangible vision by the Lahore Resolution. Intellectuals like Allama Iqbal, who emphasised the political, social, and cultural distinctions between Muslims and Hindus, were instrumental in developing the idea of a distinct Muslim state. The concept gained more popularity after Choudhary Rahmat Ali’s 1933 pamphlet “Now or Never”, which suggested calling the hypothetical state “Pakistan”, was published. Pakistan is an odd outlier in the vast fabric of geopolitical history, a nation that appeared out of thin air and lacks a tangible locus. Its establishment in 1947, during the mayhem of British decolonization in the Indian subcontinent, was not a product of historical or cultural evolution, but rather of political expediency. Ever since its establishment, Pakistan has faced difficulties in defining its identity and navigating issues related to legitimacy, governance, and identity beyond its arbitrary borders. Pakistan was created by political plotting motivated by the demands of sectarian politics and colonial legacies, not by a natural process based on nationalism. Pakistan was created by the division of British India. Pakistan’s ideological foundation came from the Two-Nation Theory, which maintained that Muslims and Hindus were two distinct nations that could not cohabit in a single state. Nevertheless, this notion oversimplified the complex sociocultural context of the Indian subcontinent and ignored the diversity within Muslim communities. Pakistan’s identity gets more complex by its large geographical region. Divided by over a thousand miles of Indian territory, East and West Pakistan (now Bangladesh and Pakistan, respectively) had little in common except their shared religious beliefs. This physical separation further undermined the legitimacy of the Pakistani state, escalating racial tensions and ultimately leading to the bloody battle and Bangladesh’s secession in 1971. Two-Nation Theory of Muhammad Ali Jinnah was weak and unimpressive. It was hollow on an intellectual level and disconnected from reality. Muslims were everywhere throughout India and all of them would not have been able to have had their own homeland without a massive population swap. Although Ambedkar and Jinnah discussed it in passing but both must have understood how unrealistic it was. Yet, Jinnah was able to stir up fleeting feelings and sway Muslim sentiment in his favour. The day India was divided proved its falsehood. Just slightly more than half of the 100 million Muslims migrated to Pakistan. The remainder chose to remain in India.[1] Jinnah, leader of the All-India Muslim League, fiercely advocated Muslims’ rights in British India. He believed that the Muslims of the subcontinent were a distinct people and that they ought to have their own nation where they could openly practice their religion and have their rights to politics and culture protected. This idea served as the cornerstone of his political campaign to establish Pakistan. A fundamental element of Jinnah’s scheme and subsequent partition of the Indian subcontinent was the Two-Nation Theory. The argument that Muslims and Hindus in British India were two different nations with irreconcilable differences was used by Jinnah and his Muslim League to support the demand for a separate Muslim state.[2] With support from Muslim League, Jinnah formulated the Two-Nation Theory for the purpose of defending their political, cultural, and religious rights, contented that Muslims needed their own state. This increased tensions between communities and prepared the ground for the terrible violence and uprooting that precipitated division in 1947. In fact, the split itself continues to rank among the most horrific events in the history of the region, causing extensive killings, large-scale migrations, and lingering hostilities. There is no denying that Jinnah’s Two-Nation Theory still has an impact on South Asia’s political climate today. The contentious relations between India and Pakistan and the continuous discussions in the region about nationalism, identity, and religious plurality are all affected by the legacy of partition. Dismissing the Myth That Hindus and Muslims Cannot Coexist With a population of over a billion, India is home to both one of the biggest Muslim populations in the world and a majority Hindu population, dispelling the idea that the two religions cannot live in harmony. Most Muslims and Hindus in India live in harmony, sharing homes, workplaces, and cultural activities. This coexistence is a result of centuries of shared history and respect for one another, not just an oddity. Rhetoric that asserts Muslims and Hindus cannot live in harmony has reappeared in recent years. The long history of tranquilly and cohabitation between these two cultures in the Indian subcontinent is undermined by this dividing narrative, which is frequently supported by political agendas and sectarian interests. The belief that Muslims and Hindus cannot live together exaggerates complex social realities and ignores millennia of shared cultural history and respect. Many religious sects have historically called India home, contributing to the country’s rich cultural diversity. First of all, these claims are contradicted by India’s own history. For centuries, Muslims and Hindus have coexisted in the same social and cultural context, sometimes amicably and other times tensely. The blending of these two major religions is attested to by the nation’s syncretic traditions, which are seen in its literature, festivals, and architectural design. From ancient times India has been a melting pot of several religions, where mutual respect and understanding have often prevailed. During the Indian Independence movement, Muslims and Hindus fought side by side against British colonial rule. Visionaries like Mahatma Gandhi and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who highlighted that all Indians, regardless of their creed, share a common destiny, advocated religious harmony and cooperation. There are countless examples of Hindus and Muslims living side by side in harmony and peace throughout India. The reality on the ground belies the

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