CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Bondi Terror Massacre and States That Enable Jihad

Time and again, investigations into jihadist violence have pointed to enabling ecosystems that stretch across borders, with recurrent nodes linked to Pakistan based terrorist infrastructure and diaspora level recruitment networks that sustain extremist causes. Rahul PAWA | @imrahulpawa Sydney’s Bondi Beach was the scene of a chilling mass shooting during a public Hanukkah celebration. Witnesses say two masked gunmen opened fire on dozens of peaceful Jewish worshippers lighting the first candle of Chanukah on the beach. Authorities now report at least 15 people killed (including a 10-year-old girl) and dozens wounded. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese condemned it and has advocated for tougher gun laws. UK Chief Rabbi noting the attackers deliberately targeted Jews merely for gathering “visibly and peacefully as Jews”. It is Australia’s deadliest terrorist assault in years, and it once again shows how safe spaces for Jewish life are being converted into active crime scenes. Investigators say the terrorists were a father-and-son team of Islamist extremists. Both were armed with long-barrelled rifles and dressed in black tactical gear. Police identified them as 50-year-old Sajid Akram and his 24-year-old son Naveed Akram, Pakistani-origin nationals. Sajid was shot dead by officers at the scene, and Naveed remains in custody in critical condition. Officials found two ISIS flags in their getaway vehicle and believe both men had pledged allegiance to the Islamic State. Remarkably, Australian intelligence had even interviewed Naveed six years ago about ties to a local IS cell. The father legally owned multiple firearms and reportedly stockpiled explosive materials, indicating this was a premeditated terror operation. Clearly, this was not a random rampage by troubled loners but a coordinated attack by Islamist jihadists emboldened by extremist networks. This massacre comes amid a disturbing surge of antisemitic violence and Islamist radicalism across the West. In the United States last year, FBI crime statistics show Jews, just 2% of Americans were the target in 69% of all religion-based hate crimes along with Hindus, crimes against whom have doubled in recent years. This unprecedented spike of 1,938 incidents of anti-Jewish hate became particularly evident on US campuses during protests following Israel’s military response to the October 7 Hamas attack. Jewish communities report unprecedented fear and harassment. Europe has seen similar trends, a recent EU survey found 80% of Jews across member states feel antisemitism has grown in recent years and many now conceal their identity in public. Analysts warn this trend is aided by on-line radicalisation and echo chambers: there are “no lone wolves”, only networks of extremists linking movements from North America to Europe. Indeed, authorities have foiled multiple Islamist-inspired plots just this year, from individual attackers to organized cells and intelligence agencies caution that democratic societies remain prime targets. To counter these threats, public venues have adopted stringent new security. Across Germany and other countries, Christmas markets (symbolic of Western holiday culture) now open behind concrete barriers, metal detectors and armed guards. For example, Berlin’s famed Gendarmenmarkt Christmas village has raised concrete barricades and expanded CCTV and police patrols. Security budgets are soaring, in fact, German city authorities report a 44% increase in spending on public-event security over the past three years. These measures recall last winter’s deadly car-ramming in Magdeburg killing six and injuring hundreds. This year’s images of heavily-armed officers at a Munich market highlight how normal life is now treated as a potential target. Even routine outings are screened: just weeks ago police arrested five suspected Islamist extremists plotting a vehicle-ramming at a Bavarian market. New bans on large knives in crowds, random security checks and surging police presence at synagogues and malls have become the norm. Paris, once synonymous with joie de vivre (cheerful enjoyment of life), has officially cancelled its New Year’s Eve midnight concert, citing concerns over “unpredictable crowd movements”, in a break with a tradition that has run for more than six decades. The attack has also deepened global tensions over Islamist terrorism, especially in South Asia. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was swift to condemn the Bondi massacre on “first day of the Jewish festival of Hanukkah” and offered India’s “deepest condolences and full support” to Australia. His post declared that “India stands in solidarity” with the victims and reiterated that India has “zero tolerance towards terrorism”. Those words resonated most in India, a country long been a victim of Islamist radicalisation and terrorism practiced by Pakistan against it as a part of its state policy. Earlier this year, India had itself been struck by terror on April 22, when Pakistani backed terrorists massacred 24 Hindu tourists in Indian Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi immediately tracked Pakistan Army-backed jihadists for the Pahalgam terror attack and retaliated with force launching “Operation Sindoor.” During the initial three-day period of operation, India obliterated nine globally acknowledged terrorist camps and infrastructure inside Pakistan and Pakistan Occupied Jammu and Kashmir hitting training and indoctrination sites of Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed (globally proscribed Pakistan-based terror groups) to “dismantle” infrastructure for further attacks. Later the country foiled an extraordinary scale Bio-terror plot and accidental blast in Delhi following the country’s crackdown on terrorism. From Sydney’s Bondi Beach Hanukkah massacre to Britain’s 7/7 bombings and the 2006 transatlantic “liquid bomb” plot, to the Denmark recce by David Headley and to India’s own horrors in Mumbai in 2008, Pahalgam in 2025 and Delhi 2025 counter-terror case files keep converging on the same connective tissue of facilitation, training and operational enabling that investigators have repeatedly traced to Pakistan based and Pakistani Army backed jihadist networks, even when the attackers themselves hold Western passports, much as the 9/11 Commission identified Khalid Sheikh Mohammed as the principal architect of 9/11 and he was later captured in Pakistan. The Bondi Beach shooting tragically reaffirmed this harsh reality. In today’s world, no place is immune from Islamist violence, not sunny Sydney, not a festive holiday market in Europe and not the high Himalayas in India. Defending free societies therefore requires more than platitudes. It demands relentless pressure on the entire pipeline of radicalisation,

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Reject Hindu Label to Slow Growth

Hinduphobia, colonial enslavement led certain intellectuals, socialists to frame Hinduness for tardy progress. Real culprits are socialists and their handlers! K.A.Badarinath It’s a colonial era slur. None has the right to deride about two billion Hindus living in 100 countries on some pretext or the other. Debunking Hindutva as being somehow responsible for Bharat’s tardy progress or sub-optimal GDP growth of 3.5 per cent in 1950s and 1980s era reeks of hatred. At last week’s Hindustan Times annual leadership summit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi rightly pointed to colonial mind-set for framing Hindu faith with tardy economic growth. Big question is why does one attribute slow economic progress and development to Hindutva? Why do some scholars make derogatory remarks and prejudiced framework to point fingers at Hindu people? Why do self-proclaimed intellectuals and economists ignore Bharat’s seven to eight per cent growth in last two decades was precisely due to these very Hindus? Colonial overhang and socialist underpinning of some intellectuals may have led to bracket low growth with Hindutva. As per The Oxford Companion to Economics in India, economist Raj Krishna made an attempt in 1982 to link the then 3.5 per cent economic growth to an inherent cultural phenomenon. Raj Krishna, a faculty member with Delhi School of Economics, blamed Hindus for not thinking big, staying reticent sans ambition etc. Well, Raj Krishna or his disciples’ arguments are not tenable. He may have grossly erred on intent and by design. Economic progress and development models hitherto adopted during Smt Indira Gandhi or Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru were largely socialist in orientation and governance. Till, economic reforms were unveiled in 1991, state controls were overbearing and stifled growth. In pre-liberation era, strangulating free enterprise, spirit of Bharat’s businesses and individuals was the norm. Even the governance model was socialist in nature with most power concentrated in Prime Minister like the communist oligarchy. Most annoying was accusing Hindus of strangulating socio-economic development in Bharat and slowing down fight against poverty. It’s rather well documented that economist Raghuram Rajan had revived the debate on linking Hindutva to slow growth rates in 2023. In last quarter ending September 2025, Bharat’s economy reported an expansion of 8.2 per cent with about 65 crore people going to work. Similarly, Bharat was the top major economy to report growth of 7.3 per cent globally, highest amongst G-20 nations with China and Indonesia at second and third position with 5.3 per cent and 5.1 per cent respectively in 2024-25. Countries like Italy and Canada reported contractions in their economies during some quarters. Germany reportedly was at bottom of the pyramid with a feeble 0.2 per cent growth. Stellar economic performance by Bharat was not given a cultural, civilizational or Dharmic label? If it’s not Hinduphobic mind-set, why did self-proclaimed intellectuals bring in Hindu angle to lack of or slow economic progress? Consequence of this Hinduphobic mind-set was that ‘Hindu rate of growth’ gained credence internationally amongst academics and audience thereby driving wrong notion and reinforcing that Bharat and Hindus was incapable of development. Attaching a civilizational label or wrongly portraying Hindus as lethargic or not being innovative may be rejected lock stock barrel. In fact, socialist policies adopted in first four decades put Bharat’s economy on a slumber. Unleashing the potential in a free, flexible and predictable policy paradigm would allow Bharat to realize its potential and emerge the ace. Getting out of colonial mind-set and rejecting out-dated socialist doctrines is pre-requisite to further hastening growth the Bharatiya way. (author is Director & Chief Executive at New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Mayor Mamdani: Socialist agenda in Capitalist New York

India-Focused Rhetoric Risks Splitting New York’s Diaspora, Straining US-India Ties and Fueling Political Firestorms N. C. Bipindra Zohran Mamdani’s victory marks a striking moment in New York politics: a young, Muslim, democratic socialist, son of filmmaker Mira Nair and Mahmood Mamdani, will lead US largest city at a time of heightened identity politics and global polarization. His biography helps explain ferocity of the debate around him. It’s his stance on India-related issues, Kashmir, Palestine, criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and pointed public comments about Gujarat that has transformed what might otherwise be a municipal governance story into a transnational political flashpoint. This is not just about ideology; it is about how rhetoric issued from City Hall can fracture diaspora coalitions, complicate diplomatic ties and provide political fodder for opponents at home and abroad. Mamdani’s critics, ranging from conservative commentators to influential diaspora organizations argue that some of his statements are one-sided, factually shaky and politically inflammatory. Misinformation on Gujarat Row over his remarks about Muslims in Gujarat is instructive. Opponents in India and beyond called out a claim he made suggesting a dramatic demographic or social shift in Gujarat’s Muslim population; fact-checkers and Indian commentators quickly disputed that account, saying it mis-states census data and on-ground socio-economic diversity of Muslims in the state. Whether these were careless rhetorical flourishes or substantive errors, they gave immediate ammunition to critics who charge Mamdani with repeating misleading narratives about India. No Sympathy for Israelis, Kashmiri Pandits On Palestine and Kashmir, Mamdani’s record reflects unmistakable activism. His vocal support for Palestinian rights, his positions on settlement funding and public statements criticising Modi government’s purported human rights record have resonated with some New Yorkers particularly youngsters and left leaning advocacy networks. But these positions have alarmed others. Jewish social groups and centrist constituencies have warned that his rhetoric can blur lines between legitimate criticism of Israeli policy and statements that some interpret as insufficiently condemnatory of extremist violence; that perception has hardened a political fault line in a city with world’s largest Jewish population outside Israel. Jewish Reactions to Mamdani Several mainstream Jewish organizations issued cautious, measured statements after the election, underscoring their vigilance about anti-semitism while also acknowledging internal divisions over Israel policy – a reflection of broader tension Mamdani now inherits. Importantly, most stinging critiques do not simply target Mamdani’s policy preferences; they attack his credibility. Opponents say his India-related assertions sometimes rely on sweeping narratives rather than granular, verifiable evidence. In public fora and on social media, detractors frame those statements as kind of moralising shorthand that, in a globalised information environment, can be magnified into misinformation or selective history-telling. Indian Americans Call Him Biased For New York’s diverse South Asian community that encompasses people with attachment to India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and beyond: such simplifications risk alienating those who do not see their lived realities reflected in Mamdani’s public claims. The result is a fractured coalition: socialist base that propelled him to victory and diaspora groups who feel caricatured or dismissed. Another dimension is geopolitical optics. Mayors generally have limited formal capacity to change US foreign policy, but New York’s Mayor remains a global figure whose words carry diplomatic weight. Misinformation as a Weapon Critics warn that incendiary or ill-substantiated claims about India could complicate US–India municipal and cultural ties, from sister-city arrangements to trade and philanthropy, and could be seized upon by political actors in New Delhi eager to paint American democrats as biased or hostile. That risk is magnified because India has a politically active and often transnational diaspora that reacts swiftly to public statements by prominent figures; controversy can therefore ripple back to New Delhi and become a bilateral talking point. Indian American community in New York has sharply criticised his comments on India, as “bigotry and bias” against Indian communities, and called him “divisive, discriminatory, and unbecoming.” Fanning Domestic Polarisation Domestically, Mamdani’s India-focused controversies also feed a very immediate vulnerability: nationalised political polarisation. President Donald Trump and conservative pundits have already shaped a narrative casting Mamdani as dangerously radical, a framing Trump used in the campaign to argue that federal funds should be withheld should Mamdani assume office. That nationalisation of a municipal election transforms local disputes over housing and transit into existential fights over patriotism, security and cultural loyalty. In a hyper-partisan media environment, claims about “misinformation” on issues like Gujarat riots or about Pakistan/India politics can be weaponised to de-legitimize policy initiatives, no matter how pragmatic their intent. Keeping Governance Promises Policy implications matter. If Mamdani wants to deliver on his agenda, rent stabilisation, transit relief, childcare expansion, he must secure broad administrative cooperation, funding and buy-in from constituencies that feel threatened by his rhetoric. That requires the kind of political translation that sanctified rhetoric rarely achieves: careful, evidence-based communication; clear sourcing for claims about international events; and consistent, unequivocal condemnations of violence and extremism coupled with nuanced critiques of state policies. Failing that, even feasible policies will be cast through the prism of identity and foreign-policy controversy, making compromise harder and governance costlier. Gujarati Muslim Father, Punjabi Hindu Mother There is, however, an opening: Mamdani’s background and family story provide him with a platform to reframe the debate. His parents’ Indian origins, public intellectualism, and filmmaking sensibility give him rhetorical gifts that could be used to de-escalate rather than inflame. By commissioning independent fact-finding on contested claims, clarifying past statements and engaging directly with South Asian and Jewish community leaders not as adversaries but as partners in city governance, he could shift the narrative from cultural combat to municipal competence. That won’t please hardliners on either side, but it could blunt attacks that center on his credibility rather than his policies. Fueling Identity Politics Finally, case of Zohran Mamdani is a cautionary tale about modern urban leadership: global identity politics are now inseparable from municipal governance. Mayors must navigate local service delivery while managing transnational reputations and diaspora sensibilities. For Mamdani, pragmatic path is clear even if politically costly: root his public statements

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Keeping The Window Open!

Keeping The Window Open!

Delicate balancing of relations between US, China & Russia is test of Bharat’s foreign policy framework that centres on strategic autonomy. K.A.Badarinath Will there be a huge shift in Bharat’s foreign policy framework? Or, possible tilt towards China, Russia conglomeration, a permanent feature? Will this lead to increased distancing between India and US under Republican White House stewardship? What’s in store on geo-political, strategic and economic engagement for Bharat and the world? There are several unanswered and unsettling questions that pop up in inter-personal conversations and on the information highways as one scans on Google, Weibo to Douyin. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to China and Japan has set off a flurry of conversations internationally. Both, Beijing and Tokyo are most intrinsic foes that do not have much in common especially after the war leading to Japan’s surrender in 1945. Several questions that analysts, anchors and seasoned newsmen are also awe-stuck given that in the first place he lined up the visits to both China and Japan in one go. Secondly, not only do they keep distance but belong to two diametrically opposite camps but have huge issues in global equations. While China and Russia have had rivalled US-led NATO group, Japan falls into the latter alliance. Thirdly, this visit of Prime Minister Modi is significant in the backdrop of United States President Donald Trump weaponising trade, imposing 50 per cent tariff on Bharat’s goods and services and thereby burning bridges. Fourthly, Prime Minister Modi’s two nation visit gained prominence as the ‘global south’ network seeks to consolidate its position via the Shanghai Cooperation Organization whose twentieth session was held in Tianjin as China holds the rotating chair as of now. Fifth, most analysts think that Bharat’s ‘strategic autonomy’ policy framework is being put to test with re-setting its relations vis-à-vis US and China. Sixth, however, top hawks in Bharat’s foreign affairs department do expect the relations with United States to bounce back to normalcy as had happened in the past after Washington DC imposed unilateral sanctions in aftermath of Pokharan nuclear tests. Seventh, the probability of a ‘delicate balancing act’ that New Delhi would enact with caution but firmness of purpose as its near time posturing without yielding to bullying tactics of US. Eighth, there’s no reason why Bharat should not continue oil trade with Russia or any other country depending on prevailing market conditions. Neither US nor Europe have locus standi to corner Bharat citing oil trade given their own continued ‘lucrative gas deals’ with Russia and its partners. Ninth, Prime Minister Modi’s visit to both Japan and China indicate that Bharat has the depth to manage diversities. For instance, enhancing Japanese investments to US $ 68 billion from $ 34 billion through 170 deals is a big take away for both Bharat and Japan who enjoy strategic and special relationship. This is a firm message for US that sought to dry up the foreign investment pipeline in Bharat to push for a ‘bad trade deal’. By not participating in a significant programme to commemorate China’s victory over Japan is again a big message to Beijing that New Delhi has its friends elsewhere as well. Bilateral summit between Prime Minister Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping has been regarded as pivotal to ‘resetting relations’ as development partners and ‘not as rivals’. While the intent is good, first step has been taken to normalise relations, there are several challenges especially on borders, Belt and Roads Initiative that brings Chinese projects to the doorstep via Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir. Apprehensions seem to be very high on both over outcome of these meetings even as China and Bharat ready to celebrate 75-years of diplomatic relations. One significant point made by Prime Minister Modi that has gone viral was border peace and tranquillity was like an insurance policy for future enduring relations. Can the dragon and elephant in the room tango seamlessly is a billion dollar question as resetting of relations is attempted. As one Chinese scholar wrote ‘it’s rational choice and shared responsibility for both India and China to reset relations’. A big take away is a meeting between Prime Minister Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin with carpooling and Ridge Carlton delegation level talks happening in a ‘delightful’ atmosphere. The visuals and videos of Modi, Putin traveling in a Russian made car throwing protocols to winds is not something European Union or US will want to watch. Given that US described Russia and Ukraine conflict as ‘Modi’s war’ has had no impact on the two leaders’ summit deliberations that extended a wee-bit. Also, 2025 marks 15 years of Indo-Russian strategic relationship that would come into full play later this year. From Bharat’s perspective, there have been a few takeaways from 20-members SCO summit. Unadulterated condemnation of Pahalgam attack by terrorists from across the borders is what India expected and achieved. Also, expanding trade relations between different SCO member countries with payments squared off in respective currencies is big. This would also mean that increasingly trade would get delinked from US dollar and euro while Chinese Renminbi, Russian rouble and Indian Rupee would gain in terms of acceptability. While the show in China came to a near close, the implications of new found friendship between Presidents’ Xi, Putin and Prime Minister Modi will result in sleepless nights for those in Trump administration and Brussels, housing headquarters of European Union. (Author is Director and Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)  Keeping The Window Open!

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Damn EU Oil sanctions!

Damn EU Oil sanctions!

Strategic autonomy coupled with its right to source crude at affordable prices and quality is non-negotiable. Here’s New India… By NC Bipindra Latest round of sanctions announced by European Union on July 18, 2025, has opened a new chapter in the growing geopolitical standoff between Brussels and New Delhi. For the first time, EU has directly targeted Indian oil trade, specifically naming Nayara Energy’s Vadinar refinery which is majority-owned by Russia’s Rosneft. The EU sanctions, coming as it does within days of NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte’s warning about secondary sanctions on India, are part of these regional institutions’ crackdown on what it calls indirect financing of Kremlin’s war in Ukraine. At the heart of this issue lies India’s continued and unapologetic purchase of discounted Russian crude. India has been refining this oil and exporting resultant diesel and jet fuel, some of which flows back into Europe. While New Delhi views this as a perfectly legal and economically sound strategy, Brussels sees it as a dangerous workaround that weakens Western sanctions regime. What makes this clash more than a bureaucratic quarrel is its broader significance for global energy markets, economic diplomacy and tests limits of Western pressure in a multipolar world. Why Is the EU Escalating Pressure on India over Russian Oil Purchases? EU wants to isolate Russia economically. India, however, is determined not to compromise its energy security and strategic autonomy, the principles it considers non-negotiable. From European perspective, India’s growing role as a refinery hub for Russian crude threatens to undercut its sanctions framework. Eighteenth package of EU sanctions which includes lowering price cap on Russian crude to about $ 47.60 per barrel and sanctioning over 100 tankers in Russia’s so-called “shadow fleet,” is aimed at choking off alternative routes for Russian oil revenue. By focusing on Indian exports and targeting refineries like Vadinar, Europe is sending a clear message that it will go after any actor — state or private — that contributes to propping up Moscow’s war chest. What are Its Strategic Imperatives? But India isn’t taking this lightly. Ministry of External Affairs responded swiftly and sternly, calling the EU’s actions unilateral and unjust. Officials in New Delhi accused the bloc of practicing double standards, pointing to Europe’s own imports of Russian LNG and uranium even after war in Ukraine escalated. Energy security, Indian leaders assert, is not just a matter of policy but a constitutional duty, especially for a developing nation with over 1.4 billion people striving for economic growth and social stability. From New Delhi’s standpoint, its trade with Russia is both lawful and pragmatic. Indian officials frequently cite EU Regulation 833 / 2014, which states that once a good is substantially transformed in a third country, it is no longer considered to originate from the sanctioned country. India’s External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar and Petroleum Minister Hardeep Singh Puri have made this argument repeatedly, maintaining that diesel refined in India is legally distinct from the Russian crude it was made from. The economic logic behind this policy is also compelling. Minister Puri has stated that importing discounted oil from Russia has saved India billions of dollars, helped stabilise inflation and shielded consumers from worst of global energy shock. In a world still reeling from economic aftershocks of the pandemic and the war, these savings have helped India remain on a steady growth trajectory while other economies faltered. India’s position is also shaped by deeper strategic calculations. The country has long prided itself on its foreign policy of non-alignment, now recast as “strategic autonomy.” This allows New Delhi to navigate complex relationships with both the West and traditional partners like Russia without being forced to pick sides. India’s close defence and energy ties with Moscow continue, even as it deepens cooperation with the United States and European Union in other areas like technology, trade, and counterterrorism. What are India’s Strategic Options? Rather than cave in to external pressure, India has quietly but effectively diversified its oil imports. Over past year, it has increased purchases from Middle Eastern countries, United States, Brazil and new suppliers in Africa and Latin America. This diversification has enabled India to demonstrate that it is not wholly dependent on Russian oil, even as it defends its right to continue buying it. At the same time, India has expanded its investment in natural gas, renewables and long-term energy security. A 15-year LNG deal with United Arab Emirates’ ADNOC, for example, will bring in one million tonnes of gas annually, supporting the country’s gradual shift toward cleaner fuels. India’s resilience is also built on its ability to conduct trade outside of Western financial and logistical systems. Russia has set up rupee-based trade settlements, used vostro accounts through Indian banks and relied on non-Western insurance and shipping firms. This alternative infrastructure insulates India-Russia energy trade from Western sanctions to a large extent and helps maintain stability despite external disruptions. Even as EU tightens restrictions and hints at possible secondary sanctions, India continues to find new export markets for its refined petroleum products. Africa, Southeast Asia and Latin America have emerged as key destinations where buyers are less concerned about the origins of crude and more focused on price and availability. These regions offer India a buffer against any loss of European markets, keeping its refineries running and export revenues intact. At the legal level, India has pushed back forcefully the very idea of violating sanctions. Indian legal experts argue that under international law, unilateral sanctions not backed by United Nations are not binding. New Delhi has taken this position consistently and has also pointed out hypocrisy of Europe’s own uneven implementation of sanctions where Russian LNG and enriched uranium remain untouched by embargoes. Behind all this lies a larger philosophical question. Should developing countries bear the brunt of economic disruptions caused by conflicts they did not start and do not control? India has answered this with a firm no. It argues that energy access at affordable prices is a matter of global

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Kashmir to Kyrenia, Modi Resets Eurasian Chessboard

Kashmir to Kyrenia, Modi Resets Eurasian Chessboard

Modi’s choice of gift, a hand-knotted Kashmiri silk carpet, was a polite but firm reminder that Jammu and Kashmir is unquestionably India’s sovereign terrain, just as a reunited Cyprus remains Nicosia’s non-negotiable objective. Rahul Pawa The world took only passing notice when Prime Minister Narendra Modi touched down in Nicosia on June 15. Yet for close watchers of Eurasian geopolitics, the visit was a strategic inflection point: New Delhi’s most pointed riposte to Ankara’s unabashed support for Islamabad and a deft assertion of India’s own red lines on sovereignty. Turkey’s dictatorial President Erdogan has, for years, amplified Pakistan’s Jammu and Kashmir narrative at the UN, transferred unlawful killer drone technology to Rawalpindi, and aligned diplomatically after every India-Pakistan flare-up in May 2025.  For New Delhi, Indo-Pacific is no longer the only arena where coercive partnerships need balancing; the Eastern Mediterranean now figures prominently in India’s “extended neighbourhood.” With its 1974 invasion of Cyprus, Turkey occupies roughly 36 percent of the island, a fait accompli recognised only by Ankara. The occupation like the Pakistani Occupation of Jammu and Kashmir and territories of Ladakh namely Gilgit-Baltistan is rarely headline news.  But Modi’s landing in Cyprus made sure it briefly elbowed Gaza war, Red Sea shipping routes and Ukraine off analysts’ front pages. Nominally, the trip produced standard diplomatic deliverables: a joint declaration pledging intensified defence – industrial collaboration, an information-sharing framework on counter-terrorism & cyber security and expanded naval cooperation, Indian warships will make more calls at Cypriot ports and conduct joint search-and-rescue drills. What made the optics powerful was less the paperwork than symbolism. Modi’s choice of gift, a hand-knotted Kashmiri silk carpet, was a polite but firm reminder that Jammu and Kashmir is unquestionably India’s sovereign terrain, just as a reunited Cyprus remains Nicosia’s non-negotiable objective. The Cypriot leadership reciprocated by publicly thanking India for “standing up for sovereignty,” words that landed like a shot across the bow in Ankara, where strategic planners have banked on the Islamic world’s silence over Northern Cyprus. Modi offered no press-conference grandstanding; the statement of support appeared in the joint communiquéé and in Cyprus gratitude, proof that deliberate ambiguity often resonates louder than televised barbs. For decades Eastern Mediterranean has been Turkey’s strategic back-yard. The Turkish Navy exerts sea control; Turkish petroleum parastatals map offshore gas blocks; and Ankara leverages the “Cyprus question” to box out European Union pressure. India’s arrival alters that mental map. Regular Indian Navy port calls, if operationalised, will put a blue-water Asian presence at the doorstep of NATO’s southern flank. That has twin signaling value: to Turkey, that its actions in South Asia carry costs in its own neighbourhood and to the EU-27, that India is willing to shoulder limited security responsibilities in Europe’s periphery. The visit also dovetails neatly with the nascent India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC). Cyprus, an EU member and chair in 2026 with convenient trans-shipment facilities and legal clarity, can serve as the Mediterranean gateway for IMEC sea–land–rail lattice, reducing dependence on Suez chokepoint and giving Indian exporters a predictable entry point into the European single market. By grafting strategic access onto an economic corridor, New Delhi builds dual-use leverage without flaunting gunboat diplomacy. Domestically, Modi’s subtle poke at Ankara offers an answer to critics who argue that New Delhi is often too restrained when foreign capitals weaponise the Jammu and Kashmir discourse. Internationally, the gambit helps India consolidate support among small and medium European states that resent Turkish maximalism but lack the heft to counter it alone. For Nicosia, partnering with G-20 heavyweight boosts deterrence far beyond what Brussels has provided. There is a United Nations angle, too. Turkey’s military presence in Northern Cyprus violates multiple Security Council resolutions, but enforcement has languished. By throwing India’s diplomatic weight behind Cyprus’s territorial integrity, Modi has effectively globalised what Ankara hoped would remain a regional wrinkle. Elevated visibility complicates any future attempt by Turkey to extract concessions, whether on gas exploration blocs or on a two-state settlement, by holding European unity hostage. Great-power statecraft often hinges on narrative as much as kinetics. In Cyprus, Modi wrote a concise but compelling script: sovereignty is indivisible, occupations are unacceptable, and India has the agency to intervene, politically and symbolically, well beyond the Indian Ocean. In doing so, New Delhi inserted itself into a theatre where it had little historical presence, turned Turkey’s Cyprus problem into a talking point in South Asia, and reminded Pakistan that its external backers have vulnerabilities of their own. Analysts inclined to dismiss the visit as a minor European detour miss the slow-burn strategic dividend. Like Cheniere’s gas cargoes that transformed LNG markets after years of obscurity, today’s silk-carpet diplomacy may look mundane until the first Indian Navy destroyer docks in Limassol or the first IMEC freight train off-loads Indian pharmaceuticals bound for Central Europe. By then, the message to Ankara will require no amplification: alignments have consequences, and India now writes a few of the footnotes in the Eastern Mediterranean ledger. For a world fatigued by protracted altercations, Cyprus often feels like a frozen footnote to history. Modi’s masterstroke reminds us that frozen conflicts can thaw and when they do, new actors will shape the meltwater. The sooner chancelleries from Washington to Brussels internalise that reality, the better prepared they will be for the next iteration of Mediterranean geopolitics. (Rahul Pawa is director, research at New Delhi based think tank Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Hypocrisy Mars Press Freedom Index

Hypocrisy Mars Press Freedom Index

Enhanced transparency, fairness, inclusivity and addressing structural issues will make Reporters Without Borders report more credible. Madhu Hebbar World Press Freedom Day is observed annually on May 3 by United Nations General Assembly beginning 1993 to champion fundamental role of free press in free democratic societies. It promotes press freedom, evaluates its global state, defends media independence and honours journalists who face persecution or death for their work (United Nations, www.un.org). In 2025, the focus is impact of artificial intelligence on journalism, addressing both its potential to enhance reporting and its risks, such as misinformation and surveillance. The day calls for governments to protect journalists and encourages media professionals to reflect on ethical challenges, emphasizing the press as cornerstone of democracy. World Press Freedom Index, published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), ranks 180 countries based on press freedom across five indicators: political context, legal framework, economic context, socio-cultural context and safety (RSF, rsf.org). In 2024, rankings for United States, United Kingdom, France and India reveal varied challenges, while criticisms of the index’s methodology and perceived biases spark debates about its objectivity. United States (Rank: 55th, Score: 66.59) As per the index, US dropped 10 places from 45th in 2023 with press freedom score of 66.59, the lowest in recent years (Statista, www.statista.com). RSF cites growing public distrust in media, fueled by political antagonism, as a key factor. Limited government interference notwithstanding, media ownership concentration, decline of local newsrooms, and layoffs—thousands of journalists lost jobs in 2023–2024—have weakened media landscape (RSF, rsf.org). Biden administration’s rhetoric such as calling journalism “not a crime,” contrasts with its pursuit of WikiLeaks’ Julian Assange and failure to press allies like Israel on press freedom violations (RSF, rsf.org). Critics argue US ranking reflects domestic political polarization rather than overt censorship, yet its mid-tier position highlights structural vulnerabilities in a supposed bastion of free speech (ICIJ, www.icij.org). United Kingdom (Rank: 23rd, Score: 78.29) UK improved slightly to 23rd in 2024 from 26th in 2023 with a score of 78.29 reflecting a relatively strong press freedom environment within Europe (RSF, rsf.org). However, challenges persist, including threats to public media funding and legal harassment of journalists through Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs). UK’s score benefits from a robust legal framework and media pluralism but RSF notes concerns over surveillance laws and detention of Assange which raise questions about government commitment to press freedom (RSF, rsf.org). Critics argue the UK’s high ranking may downplay these issues, especially when compared to lower-ranked nations with more overt censorship, suggesting a possible Western bias in the index’s weightage for subtle versus explicit threats. France (Rank: 21st, Score: 78.53) France rose to 21st in 2024 from 24th in 2023, with a score of 78.53, bolstered by strong legislative framework and European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) which protects journalists from political interference (Vajiram & Ravi, vajiramandravi.com). Yet, RSF highlights issues like police violence against journalists during protests and increasing online harassment particularly targeting female reporters. France ranking reflects Europe’s generally favourable press environment but its score masks domestic challenges such as media ownership concentration and occasional government pressure on public broadcasters (RSF, rsf.org). Critics question whether France’s high ranking overstates its press freedom given these issues compared to lower-ranked nations facing more severe restrictions. India (Rank: 159th, Score: 31.28) India improved slightly from 161st in 2023 to 159th in 2024, but its score dropped from 36.62 to 31.28 with gains only in security indicator (Vajiram & Ravi, vajiramandravi.com). RSF reports that nine journalists and one media worker were detained in 2024 and new laws like the Telecommunications Act 2023 and Digital Personal Data Protection Act 2023 grant government sweeping powers to censor media (Drishti IAS, www.drishtiias.com). Modi government’s ties with media conglomerates such as Reliance, which owns over 70 outlets reaching 800 million people, exacerbate concerns about media independence. India’s government has dismissed the index as “propaganda,” arguing it overlooks democratic vibrancy and uses a flawed methodology with small sample size (Hindustan Times, www.hindustantimes.com). India’s low ranking behind relatively unstable nations like Pakistan (152nd) fuels accusations of bias, as critics claim the index penalizes non-Western democracies disproportionately. Hypocrisy in Rankings RSF index faces accusations of hypocrisy, particularly in its treatment of Western versus non-Western nations. US, UK, and France despite domestic issues like media concentration and legal harassment, consistently rank higher than India, where overt censorship and journalist detentions are more prevalent. Critics argue that RSF’s methodology, reliant on expert questionnaires and Western funding, may prioritize subtle threats in democracies (e.g., distrust in the US) over systemic repression elsewhere (Global Investigative Journalism Network, gijn.org). For instance, India’s ranking near conflict zones like Palestine (157th) seems harsh to its defenders, given its democratic elections, while the UK’s high ranking despite Assange’s detention raises questions of consistency. RSF’s focus on political indicators, which fell globally by 7.6 points in 2024 may amplify perceptions of bias when Western allies face lighter scrutiny than adversaries like China (172nd) or Russia (162nd) (RSF, rsf.org). The index’s credibility is further questioned due to its funding from Western governments and NGOs which some argue aligns rankings with geopolitical interests. For example, Qatar (89th) ranks surprisingly high despite media restrictions, possibly reflecting strategic alliances (RSF, rsf.org). India’s stagnation at 159th despite its democratic framework, suggests a potential Western-centric lens that undervalues non-Western contexts. To address these criticisms, RSF could enhance methodological transparency and diversify its expert pool to better reflect global realities. Conclusion World Press Freedom Day underscores vital role of a free press but RSF index’s rankings for US, UK, France and India highlight both unique national challenges and broader questions about the index’s fairness. While US grapples with distrust, UK and France face legal and structural issues and India contends with overt censorship, index’s perceived biases undermine its credibility. A more transparent and inclusive approach could strengthen its role as a global advocate for press freedom. (Author is an IIT Graduate Engineer, living in the greater Los Angeles area. He is engaged in coaching youngsters interested in Hindu civilizational

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Don’t Mess Up with Bharat!

Don’t Mess Up with Bharat!

Restructuring US industry to make its products competitive must be President Trump’s primacy and not wage tariff wars with strategic allies. K.A.Badarinath One of the most searched on internet these days is tariffs. After US President Donald J Trump talked round the corner, stakeholders across geographies have begun to make sense of these tariff lines. There’s, however, no reason why Bharat should give in to demands of quixotic President Trump who’s been holding forth with media twenty four by seven. President Trump also seems to be in tearing hurry to make early impact as head of Republican White House. Hence, he set the April 2 deadline to impose massive tariffs on Bharat’s export of products and services. Tariffs is a long story beginning with Donald Trump’s first term four years back when he went ahead and imposed tariffs on steel products, pharmaceuticals etc. There’s definitely an imbalance in trade. Its advantage Bharat as US $ has a deficit of US $ 45.6 billion on bilateral trade worth US $ 191 billion. And, India has reportedly made some proposals to rework the economic, trade and investment relations between the largest and oldest democracies globally. One way could be to enhance defence purchases worth US $ 20 billion by Bharat. Another possibility is to increase energy products including LNG and other hydrocarbon products. But, US may not be able to seize the window of opportunity opened by Bharat during bilateral engagement. Firstly, US defence establishment and deep state may not facilitate sale of F 35 fighter aircraft to Bharat.  A big section of US set up is wary of even floating a joint venture to jointly produce F-35 aircraft with a non-NATO strategic ally like Bharat. This joint venture possibly based out of Bhagyanagar aka Hyderabad need not limit itself to catering to Indian defence forces. It can become hub for exports to other destinations. Stringent protocols and agreement on who gets access to such advanced fighter jets could have been put in the blue print. Story of energy purchases is more or less similar. Would US be able to match or provide equivalent prices offered by Russia on crude, refined or liquefied natural gas products? Either spot or long term contracts, US energy products may not be cost competitive vis-à-vis the middle-east or Russian sources. For an expanding economic force like Bharat, every dollar paid per barrel translates to US $ one billion higher import bill. Insurance and freight differentials are again too huge for Bharat to enter into long term contracts with US. Reciprocal tariffs from April 2 have been proposed by President Trump who thinks that the Bharat is fleecing American people. As per World Trade Organization data, this may not be altogether true. As against an aggregate US tariff of 2,2 per cent, Bharat levies 12 per cent that’s in sync with WTO norms under differential tariff regime. President Trump may have a point relating to individual products like automobiles on which tariffs were brought down by Bharat to 70 per cent from 125 per cent on high end luxury cars. On motor cycles, the applicable tariff line is set at 40 per cent as against 50 per cent earlier. Threat to impose 25 per cent tariff on all Indian goods may not work for US except for addressing political constituency of Donald Trump or for optics. Indian goods constitute just 2.7 per cent of all US imports and do not even figure in top ten exporting countries to America. There’s no reason for mature friends like US and Bharat to haggle over manageable trade imbalance. Instead, working on the big picture like more than doubling the bilateral trade to US $ 500 billion by 2030 and clinching a ‘credible and sustainable’ trade deal in next one year is what’s more significant. Simultaneously, US may have to rework its manufacturing and supply chains to be cost and quality competitive instead of rampaging in over pitched verbal duel with friends and foes alike. Re-inventing  American manufacturing base to align with new age cut throat competition is something that Trump may have to work on beginning with massive restructuring of its industry. US and Trump may not realize this ‘Make America Great Again’ dream unless some hard work is put into it. America may have to expand its bouquet of products and services that can compete in the global market with new forces on the block. Trump’s complaint is that subsidies, non-tariff barriers and VAT system in Bharat hinder American exports. Well, his policy hawks may have conveniently forgotten that Value Added Tax (VAT) regime has come to an end several years back and it’s been subsumed into Goods and Services Tax (GST). On subsidies, US have a very weak case. Can Donald Trump’s advisors prove that America does not subsidise its industry? In Bharat, food, fertilizers and oil products constituted a large part of subsidy bill till a couple of years ago. Retail petroleum products prices have virtually been aligned with market demand and supply chain. There’s no depth in the argument that Bharat subsidises its petroleum products. It’s an emphatic no. Till a couple of years ago, kerosene was the only big subsidized oil product. After having taken piped gas and through cylinders to virtually every household, there’s hardly a big demand for kerosene. Food subsidy or free food grains to the vulnerable sectors is definitely a reality in Bharat. And, its well within its right to fight poverty and hunger through the Prime Minister’s anna yojana. In fertilizers, Bharat is more or less sufficient on urea while DAP and complex fertilizers subsidy is on the slide each year. Minimal subsidy available on a couple fertilizers is support given to farmers for ensuring enough food grains output for 1.4 billion and ward off imports. On non-tariff barriers, US are yet to come up with a list of such restrictions put in place by Bharat. If restricted access to Bharat’s agricultural markets is an issue, US will have

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Is it Biden’s Electoral Stunt?

Is it Biden’s Electoral Stunt?

An apology to Native Americans for boarding school atrocities and mayhem by Church and government may not garner votes Pummy M Pandita Examining most sinister facets of American history has begun with outgoing President Joe Biden administration dramatically admitting to injustices and grave crimes committed against Native Americans especially the boarding school atrocities. The public apology to Native American communities for violence and cultural erasure that occurred during the boarding school era comes in the midst of tough election for democrats while Biden claims that ‘it was a crucial step’ in healing centuries-old scars. But key question still stands: is an apology sufficient? Native American history is characterised by unrelenting quest for cultural erasure and survival, as well as trauma, sorrow, and resiliency. A particularly sad period in this history is the era of Native American boarding schools when children were taken from their homes and sent to institutions managed by evangelists   in an effort to “civilise” them. Languages, holy customs and ties that bind families and communities were all shattered in the catastrophic massacre committed by these institutions. In a bid to shape them into what was perceived by Church as ideal of Western culture, many children endured severe punishments, emotional and physical abuse and frequently had their identities taken away. These policies caused irreversible harm, leaving Indigenous communities’ collective psyche with wounds that endure for generations. One of the bloodiest periods in contemporary history was the European colonization of native Americans, violence, exploitation and dehumanization that followed has influenced indigenous cultures and societies to this day. Deliberate uprooting, exploitation and near-eradication of Native American communities from days of first European settlers in 15th century is a grave tale of imperial aspiration posing as civilising missions. Native Americans’ lives are still profoundly affected by extensive wounds that have been inflicted on their land, traditions and histories. Children from indigenous communities in US and Europe baptized by force were tortured in the process of making them ‘civil’ and thousands lost their lives as many were buried live in the ‘Indian schools’. Doctrine of Discovery gave European kings authority to assert claims to territories that their explorers had “discovered” with logic that Native Americans who were considered “uncivilised” and “heathen,” had no right to their ancestral areas. In order to support the European agenda, Native people were de-humanized and land was turned into a resource to be conquered rather than a place to be revered. Colonizers brought enslavement, environmental degradation and bloodshed with them when they brought “civilization” and Christianity coupled with ‘forced evangelism’ of grave variety. Additionally, Native populations were forced into exploitative labour and economic dependency by European colonists. Native Americans were turned instruments of colonial wealth and forced labour in mines and plantations. An exploitative dynamic that persisted far into the periods of industrialization and capitalism was further cemented when their lands were turned into resources for Europeans to plunder. Native American communities continued to be among most economically disadvantaged and marginalized groups in United States, demonstrating long-term economic effects of these policies. Deb Haaland, first Native American Cabinet secretary, during her interaction with reporters earlier this week said, “For more than a century, tens of thousands of Indigenous children, as young as four years old, were taken from their families and communities and forced into boarding schools run by the US government and religious institutions. This includes my own family. For decades, this terrible chapter was hidden from our history books. But now, our administration’s work will ensure that no one will ever forget.” Native American Community members may not be fully convinced that a word of apology will correct the inhuman acts. Lakota People’s Law Project Director Chase Iron Eyes was quoted as saying, “An apology is an acknowledgment of wrongdoing, but it is not any form of redress. An apology is just the beginning of a necessary truth-telling. An apology is a nice start, but it is not a true reckoning, nor is it a sufficient remedy for long history of colonial violence.”  Cherokee Nation Principal Chief Chuck Hoskin Jr said, “We know from experience that true healing goes beyond words — it requires action, resources, and commitment. Cherokee Nation publicly acknowledged our own role in the painful history of Cherokee Freedmen and have worked to address positive change, and so too can this country.” President Biden’s apology is touted as indication that Democratic White House acknowledges these historical wrongs. For some, the apology may not seem genuine given that it comes ahead of the Presidential elections on first Wednesday next month. Essential question however is whether an apology is enough to mend wounds that are so profound that they span generations? The state-approved ‘Indian’ schools were subjected to severe, long-lasting harm because they were specifically designed to deprive Indigenous children of their culture and identity. No matter how well-written or sincere the words sound, they cannot reverse or erase the suffering that Indigenous communities endured. For Native Americans, healing will take more than just words; it will require action that recognises the pain in concrete ways. Imagine a scar from a serious injury that cannot be erased by apology. What is left is an obligation to address causes of the scar in the first place as well as to acknowledge the anguish.  Even though the government’s apology is long overdue, if it is made alone, it could be seen as meaningless. Destabilization of native society was a result of systemic violence that went beyond boarding schools and included resources exploitation, forced relocations and treaty violations. Only by changing policies and providing continuous assistance that enable native communities to recover their sovereignty, manage their lands and revive their cultures will there be true reparation. It’s critical to recognize that reconciliation is a multifaceted, continuous process rather than a single apology-marked event in the midst of a presidential election seeking to garner votes. Democrats must pledge to prevent mistakes of the past from happening again if it hopes to make significant progress. In addition, failing to

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