CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Foreign Contribution Regulation (Amendment) Act, 2020 And Examining The Role Of NGOs.

“There are NGOs, often funded from USA & the Scandinavian Countries, which are not fully appreciative of the development challenges that our country faces. But we are a democracy. We are not like China. You know for example, what’s happening in Kundakulum [In Southern India, where local NGO-led protest have stalled commissioning of two 1000-Megawatt nuclear reactors]. The atomic energy programme has got into difficulty, because these NGOs, mostly I think based in United States, don’t appreciate the need for country to increase the energy supply.” [The Then PM, Shri Manmohan Singh in an interview in February 2012.] The Background To FCRA (Amendment) Act, 2020. The Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) is a piece of legislation having a long and chequered history. It was first enacted in the year 1976, and the Statement & Object of Reasons of the original Act read as follows: “An Act to regulate the acceptance and utilisation of foreign contribution or foreign hospitality by certain persons or associations, with a view to ensuring that parliamentary institutions, political associations and academic and other voluntary organisations as well as individuals working in the important areas of national life may function in a manner consistent with the values of a sovereign democratic republic, and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.” One of the original intents of the 1976 Act, brought in by the Indira Gandhi Government at the peak of emergency, was to stop political funding of its rivals, who were starved of funds within the country. The Act was enacted to insulate the sensitive areas of national life like- Journalism, judiciary and politics from extraneous influence from outside the country. Unwarranted Criticism Of The FCRA (Amendment) Act, 2020. Since 1976, much ink has been spilled on paper, and the original Act has undergone several Amendments, including the recent Amendments of 2020, FCRA (Amendment) Act, 2020. The aforesaid Amendment has met with criticism from several quarters on the premises that the foreign aid is not a new concept. Even the mighty US had been a beneficiary. Without appreciating the correct intention behind the Amendments, it was said that the Amendments are meant to crush dissent and concentrate powers in the hands of this Government. Surprisingly, even the United Nations criticised the new Amendments on the premise that access to resources, including foreign funding, is a fundamental part of the Right to Freedom of Association under International Law, standards, and principles, and more particularly part of forming an association. Therefore, any restriction on access to foreign funding must meet the stringent test for allowable restrictions for the right to association developed by the International Human Rights bodies. Given this narrow test, restricting access to foreign funding for associations based on notions such as “political nature”, “economic interest of the State” or “public interest” violates the right because these terms or definitions are overly broad, do not conform to a prescribed aim, and are not a proportionate response to the purported goal of the restriction. Such stipulations create an unacceptable risk that the law could be used to silence any association involved in advocating political, economic, social, environmental or cultural priorities which differ from those espoused by the government of the day. The Formal Response of The Government Of India On The New Amendments.  There is absolutely no justification in the allegations or understanding that these Amendments in any way prevent or impede the inflow of foreign contributions in India. Shri Nityanand Rai, Minister of State for Home Affairs, Govt. of India has stated in the Parliament, that; “FCRA is a national and internal security law with the main objective of ensuring that foreign money does not dominate India’s public life, politics, and social discourse. Internal security, cultural security, national security and protection of Democracy are the utmost priority and specialty of this Government. This amendment is also necessary for Atma Nirbhar India. This government wants NGOs to make their sincere contribution to meet the specific needs of society. They should bring transparency in the expenditure of foreign contributions and ensure that it is spent on the right objectives and the work for which foreign contributions is received. There is a provision of foreign contributions for social education, cultural, religious, and economic activities. These Amendments has not been brought to threaten any political opponents. The only aim behind the Amendment is to ensure that the funds are not misused to throttle Indian democracy and suppress Indian people”. Justification And Necessity Of The New Amendments. It has to be appreciated that India is a vibrant and pluralistic democracy with a robust domestic grievance redressal mechanism, overseen by an independent judiciary and a Category ‘A’ National Human Rights Commission, compliant with the Paris Principles. Framing of Laws is power & prerogative of the sovereign, so long as the new law or amendments in existing law are made for achieving legitimate aims & objective and, inter alia, is in national interest and public order. It is a misconceived notion that the aforesaid Amendments are against NGOs. Had that been the case, a large majority of the NGOs and individuals in this sector would not have already complied with the new requirements of the FCRA (Amendment) Act, 2020. The Indian Parliament, representing the will of the people, has enacted the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act thereby laying down a clear legislative policy of regulating foreign contributions for certain activities in the country. As a matter of principle, there exits no Right to receive any foreign contribution outside the framework designed by the Parliament and implemented by the executive. The existing regime in place, which enables receiving of foreign contribution, envisages certain regulations and procedural preconditions and compliances for accepting foreign contributions. No part of any purported Right to receive foreign contributions can be said to be a part of the Fundamental Rights granted to citizens. There is no question of Fundamental Rights being violated through controls of acceptance of foreign contribution by certain type of organisations as the said organisations or individuals are

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Gone with the wind: The Curious Case of Foreign Minister Wang Yi

Amrit Pal Kaur / New Delhi Chinese State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi was on a diplomatic visit to South Asia from 21st March to 27th March 2022. His visit to the region is significant for many reasons, including but not limited to the Russia-Ukraine crisis. As the trip advanced, it became clearer that the State Counsellor was trying to drum up support for the Chinese position on the ongoing crisis and that China saw it as an opening to push forward its diplomatic agenda, which has been stalemated since the Galwan Valley days. That State Counsellor Wang Yi would talk in warm tones to his Pakistani audience was expected, but he would subscribe to the resolution of the Organisation of the Islamic Cooperation, which included remarks on India’s domestic policies and issues, right before coming to New Delhi, defies all reasons. His discussions with Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and External Affairs Minister Dr S. Jaishankar came to a nought, and his request for an audience with Prime Minister Modi was declined were some of the signs of how his impromptu escapade to New Delhi ended. His visit to New Delhi was being speculated, but the Chinese Foreign Ministry kept the details shrouded. However, the bigger question is why China felt the need to send the State Counsellor to India, given the relations between the two countries in recent history? Part of the answer lies in India’s position on the Russia-Ukraine crisis. India has asked both sides to keep the diplomatic channels open and resist the violent path to resolve the issue. India’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations Tirumurti has abstained from voting on the resolutions in UNSC on the Ukraine crisis, coming from either side, keeping its diplomatic options open while walking on a tight rope. It can be speculated that China sees India’s autonomous diplomacy as a favourable opening stance to its position, especially since the Chinese have been increasingly facing the music on account of their support to Russia. Gaining India’s support would have been significant. However, India’s position is far more nuanced than what is meeting the eye. To begin with, the Indo-Russia relationship is indeed based on strategic cooperation, which goes back many decades. Russia is India’s largest armament partner, covering over 60% of its ammunition inventory. It is an essential consideration for India, especially considering the less than cordial environment on Indian borders. Indo-Soviet bonhomie of the cold war days is also frequently cited to be the high-water mark of the relationship, but the lesser-known fact is that Indira Gandhi did not agree to sign the Peace and Friendship Treaty for nearly two years, and it came into being against the backdrop of Pakistani aggression and refugee crisis in 1970-71. In order to hedge and balance its interest in the fast-evolving geo-strategic conditions in South Asia, non-aligned India signed the Treaty with the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, the treaty is not the only reason, and critical geostrategic concerns and calculations inform the Indian stance. Historically, as a major Eurasian country, Russia has always had a bearing on Indian foreign policy since the colonial era. Central Asia and Afghanistan were seen as the buffer between the Russian Empire and British India. In order to protect its Indian territory, British Raj always tried to keep Russian expansion towards the south in check. The Anglo-Afghan Wars of the 19th century were essentially fought with this purpose. Also, the north-western region has been a sensitive zone because in its history, most attacks on India happened from the northwest, where the famous ‘passes’ in the Himalayan ranges would allow the attacking armies to come through. As a powerful territorial empire in the north, Russia has held strategic significance for India. Its influence on Central Asia, Iran and Afghanistan has been an essential consideration in the Indian foreign policy calculations as these countries are critical strategic partners. In order to maintain peaceful relations in the neighbourhood and keep harmony in the larger Asian context, Russia has its niche in Indian geo-strategy.  Another reason for the cautious Indian stance on Russia is, of course, the Dragon and its South Asian partner. Since the Crimea war of 2014, as the western pressure on President Putin increased, Russia has been walking into the Chinese orbit. For India, Russian decision making influenced by any third country is a possibility rife with pitfalls. Indo-Chinese relations have been sub-par for some time, and getting its strategic partner close to China is undesirable. What India would seek from Russia is support for its position in case if Galwan Valley like situation repeats. Assertive and revisionist China has been a cause of concern for the Asian region. The South China Sea disputes, East China Sea dispute, the Galwan Valley, and the Doklam dispute have piqued the world. Given these circumstances, countries like India have their concerns concerning geo-political issues. In this context, when President Biden calls Indian stance on Ukraine’ Shaky’ and the number of world leaders come to India in the guise of ‘bilateral relations, it cuts a rather curious picture as to why these dignitaries, including State Councillor Wang Yi, are making their way to New Delhi. First, about State Councillor Wang Yi’s visit, it can be derived that Indian reticence to criticize Russia outrightly on the Ukraine issue is seen as an essential toe-hold to persuade India to join China in supporting President Putin. Secondly, China is hosting this year’s BRICS summit and whether India decides to join or does not join will leave a significant impression on the leadership of President Xi especially keeping in mind the impending once in a decade leadership change in China which President Xi, in all probability, seeks to reverse. It will also send a message to the world about China’s rising power. Finally, in the context of the ripples created by the QUAD grouping in recent years, this BRICS summit will, in all prospects, seek to re-establish itself as a potent global force. For

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India’s Right to Pursue Lucrative Russian Oil Deals

NATO must revisit their unrealistic expectation for New Delhi to cut off ties with Moscow. Local currency oil deals should be the future K.A.Badarinath / New Delhi There’s raging debate over India’s crude purchase from Russia that has invaded Ukraine thereby pitching Moscow against combined might of European Union, UK, the US and other NATO allies. In last four weeks, lot has changed in terms of geo-political scenario especially in Eastern Europe and Baltic region thereby bringing oil trade into big focus. India that pursued a ‘balanced’, ‘independent’ policy puts her on equidistant terms vis-à-vis the sanctioned Russia and NATO allies in the Ukrainian conflict. India’s position has come under enhanced scrutiny of world community owing to this unwavering approach. While overwhelmingly, Indians internationally have hailed a ‘hands off’ policy towards the conflict, humanitarian intervention and ‘Operation Ganga’ have hogged global headlines. In the melee, oil purchases from Russia that may total to two per cent of Indian imports have been questioned by pro-western lobbies. Veteran parliamentarian Subramanian Swamy stopped short of calling India’s policy as nothing short of being ‘tragic’ and ‘unsustainable’. Hawks apart, India’s call to buy about 33 million barrels oil from Russia’s top-end exporter Roseneft is pragmatic and rooted in long term sustainability. On March 9, an internal note got circulated amongst top echelons of Modi government. And, as insiders divulge, March 11, Prime Minister Modi himself took a call to continue with the oil imports from Russia on Indian terms. Russian President Vladimir Putin who’s under increasing isolation seems to have more than accommodated India in the oil and other bilateral trade deals. Offering deep discounts, taking care of insurance costs, safe passage and delivery of crude at Indian ports were some terms that were tempting for India that was battling high oil import bill. Payment in rupee terms for oil or settlements against Russian Ruble at pre-designated rates provides a cushion for Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman whose budget maths would have otherwise gone awry with Brent crude prices touching $114 per barrel on Monday. Also, setting off oil payments against Russian exports especially the rough diamonds is not a bad idea in content and spirit of free trade. Hence, Indian Oil, Bharat Petroleum, Mangalore Refineries & Petroleum Ltd, and a host of oil importers jumped into the fray to conclude contracts that would translate to billions of dollars for India. It’s not just Russia, the entire middle-east line up has been tapped to conclude deals that could be showcased as to how geo-politics and oil trade were inseparable. With US and UK phasing out hydrocarbon imports from Russia and European Union seeking to fall suit, very handsome deals may still be possible in local currencies to get around the sanctions. For instance, Iran that was touted as the biggest oil supplier to India with unflinching ties, was the fall guy to Donald Trump’s sanctions owing to its nuclear programmes. Only two days back, taking cue from Russian deals, Iran had hinted at resuming rupee – rial designated oil supplies with bilateral trade potential at $30 billion this fiscal. From $17 billion in pre-sanctioned era of 2019, bilateral trade has plunged to a very modest $2 billion this fiscal. There’s no denial that both NATO and other western powers recognize India’s compulsions give its 85 percent crude requirements are met through imports. While the world is critiquing India’s sustained oil imports from Russia, India is all set to increase its share of oil import from the US by 11 percent. Moreover, both EU and the US have till now not considered India’s oil deals with Russia as violating war-related sanctions. But, western lobbyists and the rumour mill around this ecosystem has been working overtime to put India on defensive mode to justify its continued oil deals with Russia. India owes no explanation to anyone but herself. In fact, exploring local currency based oil and other trade deals would encourage multiplicity of such transactions lending variety to these transactions that are done away from referenced US dollar or the Euro. The four largest oil suppliers like US, UAE, Saudi Arabia and Nigeria should also explore more innovative deals for India that’s spoilt with varied options. Oil deals – both in spot and futures market—concluded by India cannot be subjected to sanctions that are being used as new neo-nuclear weapons by Western allies. India’s economic and political interests globally are diverse and each response from New Delhi is laced with nuances that cannot be set aside by the world community. It does not necessarily mean that India should not consider other energy options that limit hydrocarbons dependency. The earlier, it’s that much better. (Author is Director & Chief Executive of Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies based in New Delhi. Views expressed are author’s own.) E-mail – [email protected]

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Brief: Seven Exoduses and the Ethnic Cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus

In the late 1980s and early 90s, the Kashmir Valley was engulfed by terrorism aided and funded in the name of ‘Islam’ by Pakistan as part of its neferious K2 (Kashmir and Khalistan) policy by initiating ‘Operation Tupac’, which aspired to foster successionist movements in India. As a result, several radical Islamist factions, Pakistan-based terrorist organisations and their local Kashmiri sympathisers joined hands to nurture an Islamist separatist movement in Kashmir that would be both religious and political depending on convenience and timing. The campaign was hinged on its brutal aggression against Kashmir’s minority Kashmiri Hindus, who were considered infidels and labelled as Indian agents by Pakistan backed Islamists, terrorists and their sympathisers in the valley of Kashmir. In the years following, Pakistan-sponsored terrorists and their local collaborators organised a terror campaign of targeted killings, rape, threats, inflicted systematic damage and destruction of Hindu homes and places of worship. Faced with imminent threat and persecution by torture, crimes against humanity and systematic elimination of the minority community in Kashmir. Kashmiri Hindus were forced to flee their native homeland in the seventh mass exodus of Kashmiri Hindus from the valley of Kashmir.

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Indian Students Evacuated Amidst War Torn Ukraine

Operation Ganga, largest evacuation exercise since world war two demonstrates the country’s strength, compassion and reach globally Rohan Giri / New Delhi Millions of students and professionals from different countries were stuck in Ukraine during special military operation launched by Russia two weeks back that included massive air raids, rolling out columns of tanks and firing of missiles. Most of these individuals and families were anxious to head back home to escape the Russian operations. But then, the Russian attack left them stranded with airspace is shut, trains suspended and borders sealed. Especially, students that form large chunk of foreign nationals in Ukraine were left with very few options to escape from the military action unleashed by Russia headed by President Vladimir Putin. Prior to the attack, several European, the US and Western countries embassies as well as High Commissions had issued advisories to their respective citizens to leave the conflict ridden country. On its part, Indian Embassy in Ukraine did the same. As the military conflict situation evolved, Indians mostly students studying medicine in several Ukrainian universities found it a daunting task to escape from their cities. While most countries left their citizens to fend for themselves, Indian government along with a host of voluntary and semi-government organizations launched ‘Operation Ganga’, code-named for the biggest evacuation campaign since World War II.  Apart from a small Indian Business community in Ukraine, more than 18000 Indian students study medicine and engineering in Ukrainian universities were to be pulled out of military conflict zones especially in Eastern region. Apart from issuing advisories from time to time, India asked its citizens whose stay was non-essential to move out to safe harbours. This was essentially viewed as a temporary measure as the conflict was expected to end in a couple of days. But, as the air raids intensified, bombing continued round the clock and tanks rolled into city after city, it became virtually impossible for Indians to stay back like other foreign nationals. This was the backdrop to launch ‘Operation Ganga’ with Prime Minister Narendra Modi leading from the front. Following the first advisory on February 15, Indian mission not only in Ukraine, but several other countries in Baltic region came in for coordinated efforts to get out the Indians.   Before the ‘Operation Ganga’ was launched, several measures were rolled out by Indian government as precursor to a difficult humanitarian operation that was conducted with dexterity and precision. Prime Minister Modi’s personal engagement with his counterparts in Russia and Ukraine worked wonders. A brief timeline of how events unfolded demonstrate the way things were planned to bring Indians back home with very little fuss. Here’s the Timeline: On February 16, Cap on passengers was removed under the Air bubble arrangement. On February 18, Air India flights were announced for evacuation on Feb 22, 24 and 26. On February 20, Air India was considering postponing flights due to no booking from Ukraine. The mission issued the second advisory strongly urging Indian Nationals to leave on the same day. On February 22, a third advisory was issued regarding additional flights. On February 24, the Airspace of Ukraine has been closed, and alternative arrangements are being made. On February 25, the Government of India and the Embassy of India are working to establish evacuation routes from Romania and Hungary. Advised to Print out the Indian flag and paste it prominently on vehicles and buses while travelling. On February 26, those staying in the Eastern area of Ukraine remain in their current places of residence until further instruction. On March 01, successfully facilitated the movement of more than 1400 students out of Zaporizhzhia, city in South-East Ukraine, westwards. On March 02, Urgent advisory to Indian students in Kharkiv for their safety and security must leave Kharkiv immediately. Operation Ganga As the crisis between Russia and Ukraine escalated, Ukraine closed its Airspace for civilian flights. More than 18,000 Indian expatriates, mostly students, were left stranded during the crisis. As students appealed for evacuation from the shelters, the Indian government launched a multi-pronged evacuation plan called ‘Operation Ganga’ to bring its citizens home. The Indian missions in Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Hungary were made Arrangements under ‘Operation Ganga’ to bring back Indian citizens from Ukraine. Under ‘Operation Ganga’, Minister of Petroleum, Government of India, Hardeep Puri was sent to Hungary, Aviation Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia was sent to Romania and Moldova to bring back Indian citizens; Law Minister Kiren Rijiju in Slovakia and Minister of State for Civil Aviation in Poland VK Singh were sent. Major Evacuation Operations by Indian government The Indian diaspora is the most skilled in the world. In difficult times, the Government of India has started many operations to bring back its people. When the Covid-19 outbreak attacked the world, India’s government launched the “Vande Bharat Mission” to return Indian people who got stucked in foreign lands. As of April 30, 2021, around 60 lakh Indians had been returned through multiple phases of the operation. During the Covid-19 pandemic, Operation Samudra Setu was a naval operation that was part of a national attempt to bring back Indian citizens who had been abroad. It was able to return 3,992 Indian citizens to their motherland by sea. The Indian Naval ships Jalashwa (Landing Platform Dock) and Airavat, Shardul, and Magar (Landing Ship Tanks) took part in the 55-day operation, which covered more than 23,000 kilometers by sea. In March 2016, Terrorist attacks occurred at Brussels Airport in Zaventem and Maalbeek Metro station in central Brussels. A Jet Airways flight brought back 242 Indians, including 28 crew members. The Yemeni government and Houthi rebels were engaged in a conflict in 2015. Thousands of Indians were trapped, and Yemen was cut off from the rest of the world by Saudi Arabia’s declaration of a no-fly zone. India rescued almost 5,600 people from Yemen as part of Operation Raahat. In the wake of the 2015 Nepal earthquake, the Indian government and the Indian Armed Forces launched Operation Maitri, a cooperative relief

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‘Swastika’, Symbol of Well-Being Misrepresented

Hindus symbol of peace cannot be confused with Hitler’s mark of Hatred. Hindu Swastika has nothing to do with Third Reich or Nazis! Neha Dahiya / New Delhi On February 2, 2022, Canada’s New Democratic Party (NDP) leader Jagmeet Singh tweeted that it’s time, “to ban hate symbols because we have a responsibility to keep our communities safe for everyone. We can ensure that hatred is given no space to take hold and no air to breathe”. This was in response to agitating Canadian farmers that waved flags having ‘Swastika’ displayed prominently. Singh’s tweet also hit social media after farmers blocked Ottawa demanding relaxation in Covid 19 restrictions. These farmers, many of them Sikhs, had also laid siege to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s office as well as restricted movement of cargo across US border. Well, none can dispute any campaign against hatred. But then, why should anyone draw in Hindus symbol of prosperity, ‘Swastika’ into a slugfest between the Canadian government and the farmers? This is not the first time that Swastika has come into focus in Canada and elsewhere. In the past also, Trudeau and Jagmeet Singh had accused that those displaying Swastika were propagating enmity and violence. Both, Trudeu and Singh are grossly wrong. Their statements laced with political nuances may have associated Hindus’ holy symbol to Nazis’ hooked cross intentionally. Through these controversial statements Canadian government officials seem to be bracketing peace loving Hindus with Nazis into one flock. This propelled Hindu PACT (Hindu Policy Research and Advocacy Collective) to urge Trudeau and Singh not to conflate “Swastika,” the ancient and auspicious symbol for Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs and many indigenous communities around the world with “Hakenkreuz” of Nazis. Nazi symbol of Hatred from the twentieth century in German or the hooked cross in English was never referred to as Swastika even by Adolf Hitler. He always described it as ‘Hakenkreuz’. Hooked Cross has also been usage for long as sacred insignia of Christianity, easily visible in art and engraving across various old churches and chapels. The hooked cross existed as a symbol of Christendom. It was identified in the second century CE on early Christian Graves of Rome.  Moreover, ‘Hakenkreuz’ is nowhere similar to the Swastika. Swastika lays flat to the base, unlike the Nazi hooked-cross that was slanted 45 degrees from the horizontal and always oriented in the “S” letter direction for socialism. On the contrary, Swastika mentioned in the Vedas (Hindu Sacred Texts) appears differently. It came into being from Sanskrit words ‘su’ which means “good” and ‘asti’ that denotes “to be”. In other words, well-being or total surrender to Paramatma (supreme soul) and acceptance of the fruits of Karma is what Swastika represents. It was about 6000 years back that Hindu Swastika appeared in rock and cave paintings in India. It rotates clockwise and represents Surya (the sun) and Brahma, the creator. It is thought to be a powerful symbol and the insignia of Ganesha, the Hindu God of luck. Swastika was also prevalent in Ancient Greece, and its remnants can be found in ancient city of Troy that existed 4,000 years ago. Ancient Druids, Celts, and Nordic cultures all embraced the Swastika. Nevertheless, the ‘Hakenkreuz’ is misrepresented as the Swastika and anti-semitism associated with ‘Hakenkreuz’ is attributed to the Swastika. This misrepresentation essentially hides the notion that German socialism originated in Christian Socialism. A legislation in the Canadian parliament restricted display of three different hate symbols that are used to mobilise movements. Bill C-229 barred the display or sale of The Nazi Swastika (misrepresented Nazi Hakenkreuz), the Ku Klux Klan’s insignia, and the Confederate flag.  Responding to the erroneous presentation by Jagmeet Singh and Justin Trudeau, Hindu PACT Executive Director Utsav Chakrabarti said, this would lead to hate crimes against Hindus and Sikhs. Six Hindu temples in Canada’s Greater Vancouver have been vandalised and looted in the past few months. Indian origin member of Canadian Parliament Chandra Arya had appealed for recognising the fundamental difference between Hindu religious holy sign Swastika and the Nazi symbol Hakenkreuz. Chandra Arya said that in Indian language Sanskrit, Swastika means something that offers good luck and represents well-being. He asked people to stop referring Swastika as a Nazi symbol of Hatred. Nazi symbol of Hatred, the Hakenkreuz or hooked cross should be banned. By calling it Swastika, we Hindu-Canadians are being denied the religious right and freedom to use our holy symbol Swastika in everyday life. It’s not first time that the western world misrepresented Swastika or conflated it with Hakenkreuz or Hooked cross.  In January 2021, New York Senator Todd Kaminsky introduced a bill in New York Senate that proposed making it mandatory for schools in New York to teach ‘Swastika’, an auspicious and revered sign of Hindu Dharma, as an example of Hate. The Bill titled Senate Bill S2727 conflates the Dharmic Swastika with the Nazi sign of Hakenkreuz, or Hooked Cross, and mandates that the Swastika should be taught as an emblem of Nazi Germany. Therefore it should be taught as a Hate symbol from grade 6 through 12. Currently, the Bill is under review by the education committee of New York. The Bill will then be out for a vote in the New York Senate.  Not able to comprehensively distinguish between the Dharmic symbol Swastika and the Nazi hate symbol Hakenkreuz seems to be one aspect of the problem. In 2019, Todd Kaminsky introduced a similar bill titled S 6648, confusing Swastika with Hakenkreuz and ignoring Dharmic religious communities’ sentiments. The Bill was opposed by American Hindus against Defamation (AHAD), an initiative of the World Hindu Council of America. This misrepresentation of Hindu symbol Swastika with Hakenkreuz is also part of well-intentioned individuals, organizations and groups perpetuating anti-Hindu notion. Unless, the world communities sensitize themselves to these devious moves, crimes and abuses against Hindus may get accentuated further. (Author is content writer for Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies based in New Delhi. Views expressed are author’s own.)

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Exploring the Metaverse

Prachi Mishra / New Delhi Whether in virtual reality or augmented reality, the promise of the metaverse allows a greater overlap of our digital and physical lives. As Zuckerberg has claimed in his keynote address this year, Metavsere will alter conventional reality. The way people make wealth, view productivity, shop, and seek entertainment will all be altered. The Metaverse will be based on freeform reality, where users live and spend time in the virutal world, where they can create their 3D avatars and use objects like cars and houses which can be used to communicate in the Metaverse and interact with others. Metaverse is based on romantic idealism: a stable, unshakeable system with utter disregard for existing economic predicament, wonders of nature, and resources of the real world. This primer analyzes the implications of Metaverse on society, psychology of humans, and economic activity in the present day context. It also discusses the ethics of Metaverse, cybersecurity issues that will surface, and the privacy and safety of users in the virtual space. (Prachi is a research consultant at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies.)

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Russia-Ukraine Crisis: India’s Foreign Policy Implications

Rahul Pawa / New Delhi On February 23, 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a “special military operation” in Ukraine. Russia has long opposed Ukraine joining the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the West’s defensive military alliance. He accused NATO of threatening Russia’s “historic future as a nation” and announced Russia’s military operation in Ukraine. “The purpose of this operation is to protect people who, for eight years now, have been facing humiliation and genocide perpetrated by the Kyiv regime,” Putin added. Subsequently, several media outlets reported explosions in numerous locations and large-scale Russian military operations throughout Ukraine. Ever since Ukraine’s pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, was overthrown in 2014 after months of protests against his government, Russian President Vladimir Putin has regularly flagged Ukraine of being taken over by extremists. Russia responded by seizing Crimea’s southern region and sparking a revolution in the east, backing hardliners against Ukrainian soldiers in a war that has claimed 14,000 lives. Regardless, the current issue has its roots in the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Ukraine, a former Soviet republic, had the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal when the Soviet Union disintegrated in the early 1990s. The US and Russia collaborated with Ukraine to de-nuclearise the country. In a series of diplomatic deals, Kyiv returned hundreds of nuclear warheads to Russia for security assurances against a possible Russian assault. However, the assurances did not stand; below, we examine the 2022 Russia-Ukraine Crisis and discuss India’s foreign policy implications in that context. Download Explainer – Russia Ukraine Crisis (Author is the Director for Research at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Human Cost Should Deter War!

India’s independent approach to Russian invasion on Ukraine balances its relations with NATO, European partners Amrit Pal Kaur / New Delhi Critics from either side of foreign policy matrix may have issues with India charting an independent and balanced course on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as against NATO allies and European Union opposition to this intrusion. Pro-NATO and European think tanks have made out that India missed the bus in playing a decisive role in world affairs yet again by keeping off the conflict mostly unconcerned and untouched. Soviet era Russia’s backers have hailed India’s ‘sensible’ decision not to go whole hog with NATO alliance given her varied offensive and defensive interests. But then, Modi government hardly had many options in changing course of events leading to military aggression on Ukraine by Russia while both NATO and European Union went ahead with severely sanctioning Moscow. China that subtly supported Russian invasion chose to talk of winding down the violence though the two countries communist leadership has been led by oligarchs. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s telephonic conversation with President Vladimir Putin is a milestone in long chain of events that led the present invasion. India’s appeals for peace and getting back to diplomatic dialogue on outstanding issues relating to Ukraine cannot be ignored by the world community. Russia’s ‘military operation’ in Ukraine has virtually sealed the possibility of rapprochement with Europe that continued to hang in balance during last 30 years.   India’s external affairs minister S. Jaishankar rightly mapped the genesis of Ukrainian issue that emanates from complexities of ‘Post Soviet Politics, expansion of NATO and relationship between Russia and Europe.’ In last three decades, Russia concluded numerous arms-reduction treaties with Western countries including 1997 Russia-NATO Act, Budapest Memorandum, Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (1990), Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (1987) and Open Skies Treaty that put an end to cold war in Europe and opened avenues for cooperation between Russia and Europe. Some genuinely believe that Russia did not reap benefit of the cooperation with Europe. Breaking point perhaps was granting NATO membership to Ukraine that brings Europe’s sphere of influence to Russia’s doorstep. President Putin’s statement that Russia wants demilitarization of Ukraine and it ‘does not intend to occupy’ the country implies that the conflict goes beyond their bilateral relations and points to involvement of greater Western powers. In this larger struggle for supremacy, one country which has been asked to pick sides is India. As an emerging market economy, credible and substantial international power, India has largely seen herself as a stabilizing factor that pushes seriously for peace and prosperity. Such is the case especially after India became an equivalent member of QUAD after shunning ‘hesitations of history’ that defined non-alignment. Indian position has come into greater focus due to its close relations with Russia, USA and European Union. Its membership and current chairmanship at UNSC has only accentuated India’s stake given that she been a longtime votary of independent foreign policy and pluri-lateral world order. Since India has had close civilizational links with both sides, it’s pragmatic and logical to abstain from voting on Ukraine issue at UNSC. India’s representative at UN Tirumurti spelt out India’s stand and asked countries to find peaceful, diplomatic solution through Minsk mechanism. It’s rather impractical to expect India to severe its relations with Russia that has been her single largest defense partner with 60 per cent share in defense inventory. On the other hand, India has also nursed progressive relations with US as well as Europe for over 20 years, since Vajpayee-Clinton era. India as a fast-developing country has its own pressing needs with over 1.4 billion to feed and enable spread of prosperity. Therefore, expectations on either side for India to align may not fit into the New Delhi’s scheme of things. Her compulsions to lift a vast majority out of poverty and put herself on growth mode are what drive India’s foreign policy. In fact, these very imperatives pushed India’s position striking a fine line between Russia and West at large. Instability on eastern flank of Europe brings home the acute need to develop in house inventory of defense mechanisms and systems without depending on imports. Self-reliance is the key to great power status. ‘Make in India’ initiative in the defense sector is a significant component of the policy choice made by the government. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is bound to create ripple effects already being felt in India though New Delhi has stayed away from swinging either ways. Crude prices touching $ 105 per barrel in spot markets would translate to larger fuel import bill thereby upsetting budget numbers outlined by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman. As Russia apart from OPEC has been large exporter of hydrocarbons in particular to Europe, the crisis will increase fuel prices and shortage in almost all of Europe. For instance, Finland imports most of its crude while Hungary gets 83 per cent, Austria – 62 per cent and Germany imports 46 per cent of its natural gas. Russia’s output had kept fuel prices competitive while curbing the Gulf dominance, its engagement otherwise will give space for the monopolies that’s bound to distort market prices, distribution as well as access. Precarious growth of world economy that’s bracing post-Covid will be badly hit. Most importantly, it will create crude induced inflationary pressures in countries like India where over 80 per cent fuel demand is met through imports. Recent World Bank report Global Economic Prospects argued that the world is walking towards global slowdown as the fiscal support in the wake of corona virus pandemic wanes, increase in debts and inequalities would kick in across the world. There is no denying that Europe and the world at large are treading choppy waters. Though the ongoing invasion may not go the cold war way, it will certainly wreak havoc on lives of innocent people caught in the crossfire. Human cost involved in the war should act as deterrence and the countries involved should

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Sri Lankan Economic Crisis: Way Out Not in Sight!

Shift to organic farming without buffers, hoarding & profiteering led to food, fuel crisis; economic outlook uncertain! Ayodhya Ram When India extended $ one billion worth aid and loans to pull the funds starved Sri Lankan economy out of morass this January, not many would have understood its importance. But, Sri Lanka’s central bank governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal, heaved a sigh of relief as the olive branch offered by India helped him avert a default with global lenders and in particular China. For the island nation, adhering to loan repayments was important to prevent an accentuated food and fuel shortage given the non-availability of sufficient agricultural products in different states that in turn led to skyrocketing of commodities prices and runaway inflation. As reports suggest, India’s emergency financial assistance was offered in terms of currency swap, deferred loan repayments and dedicated lines of credit after the Sri Lankan government led by Gotabaya Rajapaksha made a request to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in late December 2021. Publicly available data suggests that Sri Lankan government is battling a massive economic, food and fuel crisis owing to some of its own policies. Sri Lanka has the obligation to service US $ 7.3 billion outstanding debt in 2022. This includes bonds worth $ 500 million that were to be discharged in January 2022 and another $ one billion in July this year. For the moment, Sri Lanka has preserved itself from the ignominy of a payments default that has other serious repercussions as well. But, the latest crisis provides the perfect backdrop to take a deep dive look at the South Asian island economy. In fact, the economic crisis so acute that Sri Lanka has run out of cash to buy diesel and petrol. The government did not have even the foreign exchange to pay for the two shipments that arrived last week. Last month, Sri Lankan government had bought 40,000 tonnes of diesel and petrol from India to meet emergency requirements. Drastic policy changes like imposing a ban on imports of fertilizers and pesticides, decline in revenues from tourism and hospitality, hoardings of essential food items, depreciation of the Sri Lankan rupee, mounting foreign debt have roiled the island economy with families and individuals scurrying for relief and support from the government. Short supply in basic food items like rice, sugar, milk powder, cooking oil has only brought focus to the crisis that’s in full show. People queuing up outside the supermarkets to buy essential items have hogged headlines. Starvation due to unavailability of food items and limited purchase power is something that the Sri Lanka’s government needs to tackle. Grievously impacted livelihoods and lack of even low paying jobs point to a medium term mess that the country has into. Policy issues like shift to 100 per cent organic farming phasing out chemicals, fertilizers and hazardous plant nutrients is a laudable move. Inadequate planning and wrong approach to achieving 100 per cent natural and organic farming seems to have played havoc with Sri Lankans lives. Scaling up the global supply value chain in agricultural commodities and inducing sustainable agricultural practices is reportedly the stated objective of Sri Lankan government’s new policy framework. Shoddy planning or lack of transition plan during the shift to organic agriculture seems to have contributed to the present economic crisis leading to shortage in food items. Shift to organic farming should have been done in a phased manner by maintaining stability of agricultural products, adequate buffers and planned counter-measures to tackle the crisis. The transition space was not available for Sri Lanka because of also because of dwindled incomes[1]. Sri Lankan President Rajapaksa had imposed a ban on chemical fertilizer and pesticides citing the many incommunicable diseases[2]. The decision was part of a larger plan to achieve 100 percent organic farming and preserving foreign exchange reserves that got drained owing to import of both food items and farm ingredients like fertilizers. It cannot be possible overnight. Agriculture sector represents 8.36 percent of the county’s GDP[3]. Import of fertilizers has been reduced to $ 8.2 million in 2020 which was earlier $ 32.2 million in 2019[4]. Sri Lankan economy dependent on two streams of foreign exchange earnings: tourism that was hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic for over two and half years. Workers’ remittances were also adversely impacted as several of its citizens employed abroad lost their jobs.  As per Central bank of Sri Lanka statistics, tourism sector earned only US $ 261.1 million last year as against US $ 4.38 billion in 2018. The income from workers’ remittances which is another major source of foreign exchange also fell to US $ 5.491 billion last year from a high of US $ 7.1 billion during 2020. Both were the prime sources for the foreign exchange reserves[5]. Heavy reliance on borrowings from abroad has also impacted the Sri Lankan economy leading to the present food crisis as scarce resources were channeled to repayments. Earnings, Debt Profile Earnings 2018 2019 2020 2021 1 Tourism 4,380  USD Mn 3,606.9 Mn[1] 682.4 Mn 261.1 Mn[2] 2 Workers’ Remittances 7,015 USD Mn  6,717 Mn[3] 7,103 Mn 5,491 Mn[4] Figures in USD Millions Country / Organization Year Loans 1  Asian Development Bank July 2021 $ 150 million[1] 2 China March 2021 $ 1.5 billion[2] 3 Bangladesh June 2021 $ 200 million[3] 4 The World Bank  Sep 2020 $ 56 million[4] 5 International Monetary Fund Sep 2021 $ 787 million[5] Sri Lanka borrowed over $ three billion from both multilateral and bilateral sources including Asian Development Bank, IMF, World Bank and countries like China and Bangladesh in less than 12 months. By far, China has been the biggest lender at US $ 1.5 billion in March 2021. And, most funds mobilized by Sri Lankan government went to service the debt availed from Xi Jingping’s China. Foreign exchange shortages have forced Colombo to ban import of more than 600 non-essential goods.[6] Traders’ hoarding and profiteering from essential commodities in part led to food and fuel shortages and

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