Bangladesh’s self-goal: tilt to Pakistan

Jamat e Islami and Muhammed Yunus seek to shape Bangladesh into politically radical Islamic nation and threaten its Bengali Identity N. C. Bipindra During a 1955 debate in Pakistan’s Second Constituent Assembly on whether the eastern province should be called East Bengal or East Pakistan, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman said, “We have demanded so many times that you should use East Bengal instead of East Pakistan. The word Bengal has a history and a tradition of its own.” Today, Bangladeshis share Sheikh Mujibur Rehman’s sentiments: Bengali is their ethnicity and Bangladesh is their nation. In fact, Bangladesh’s formation in 1971 was built on Bengali nationalism spearheaded by Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, the Father of Bangladesh. In August 2024, during uprising that led to ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, radical Islamic groups with an affinity to Pakistan were unleashed under the garb of student protests who attempted to vandalise the legacy of true hero of Bangla identity Sheikh Mujibur. The same Sheikh Mujiibur who was hailed as greatest Bengali of all time ahead of Rabindranath Tagore by BBC Bengali Language Service Survey, about whom Cuban leader Fidel Castro once said, “I have not seen the Himalayas. But I have seen Sheikh Mujib.” Pakistan has historically rejoiced vandalism of Bengali identity (in fact, any identity other than their own). Urdu-speaking Pakistanis, who hate local languages including Punjabi or Sindhi, have neither sympathy nor commonality with Bengali culture, language, or societal beliefs. Since partition in 1947, the policies and outlook of Pakistan have been indifferent, irrational and mired in hatred for Bengali identity of Bangladesh. The entire world took note of utter neglect and callous treatment meted out to East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) in aftermath of cyclone Bhola in 1970 by the Pakistani central government. To date, the aid that was promised by Pakistan to East Pakistan has not been transferred. Rather than offering a nursing hand, a year later, Pakistan launched terror on the streets of Bangladesh under Operation Searchlight. The horror of ‘Operation Searchlight’ undertaken by Pakistani military on March 25, 1971, to crush Bengali nationalist movement after Awami League won a majority in the general elections is still fresh and painful for the conscience of Bengali people. The stark and ignoble truth about Pakistan’s genocide in Bangladesh is that it was a conscious military policy steered at the government level to undermine Bengali society and in some cases attempt to change Bengali gene pool. For over 52 years, Pakistan has neither established nor attempted open, direct, people-to-people connections with those inside Bangladesh who support Bangla nationalism. Of the hundreds of cuts inflicted by Pakistan on Bangladesh, the most noticeable is an ongoing attempt at systemic erosion of Bangla identity and its replacement with the ideology of political Islam, which is the basis of governance in Pakistan. The underlying role of Jamat e Islami, a radical organisation which was banned in 2013 (and such other organisations), is hard to miss in the ouster of a democratically elected government in 2024. No wonder Jamat e Islami has found favour with Bangladesh’s current interim administration under Muhammed Yunus, who lifted the ban on the radical organisation. While other Islamist militant groups in Bangladesh do have connections with Pakistan, since 1971, Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh has been Pakistan’s true friend and partner. These radical Islamic groups have left no stone unturned to shred the fabric of Bangla identity and colour the whole of Bangladesh in politically radicalised Islam. Therefore, people of Bangladesh need to view Pakistan’s recent warming to Bangladesh through a historic and nationalistic lens. The recent developments coincide with an unusual wave of military and diplomatic engagement between Bangladesh and Pakistan, marked by the visit of Pakistan’s Navy Chief to Dhaka and the first docking of a Pakistani naval vessel at Chattogram port since 1971. Bangladesh, at this stage, must remember and side with friends who were steadfast with them through their biggest economic transformation and offered a helping hand in times of crisis. The more Bangladesh leans towards becoming Pakistan-like in text and tenor, its economy will further tank. Radicalism and a healthy economy simply cannot coexist. Over the past year alone, Bangladesh’s GDP growth has fallen from a flying 6.1% to crawling 3.76%. A year ago, Bangladesh’s growth was comparable to India’s and China’s and was considered one of the enterprising economies in Asia. Bangladesh must understand that Pakistan, which is mired with deep corruption, radicalism, a struggling economy, and is often part of the FATF ‘grey list’ and is home to most of the recognised terrorist organisations in the world, and works as a puppet state to China, cannot assist Bangladesh in any meaningful way. On the contrary, Bangladesh must seek a rational division of the pre-1971 assets of the state of Pakistan, and the aid that was promised in the aftermath of Cyclone Bhola. The evidence conclusively indicates that the recent shift in Bangladesh–Pakistan relations would further push political instability in Bangladesh, foster political Islam, provoke conflicts along shared borders, and, most importantly, pose a threat to the Bangla identity, which is the basis of the foundation of Bangladesh. Additionally, fondness towards Pakistan would dent Bangladesh’s image at world forums. Friendship with a failing (failed) state like Pakistan cannot bring more than this. The world has faith in Bangladesh; that Bangladesh would learn its lessons from history, as exact events of 1971 may not repeat themselves, but they may rhyme. Georg Hegel, a German philosopher, once said, “What experience and history teach is that nations and governments have never learned anything from history or acted upon any lessons they might have drawn from it.” This now sounds true and apt for Bangladesh’s recent shift towards Pakistan. (Author is Chairman, Law and Society Alliance, a New Delhi-based think tank, and guest columnist with CIHS)

Situational Analysis - Geopolitics, Hindu Hate, Islamisation and Decay of Democracy in Bangladesh

Bangladesh Hindus Human Rights Security

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Situational Analysis – Geopolitics, Hindu Hate, Islamisation and Decay of Democracy in Bangladesh

Decay of Democracy in Bangladesh Bangladesh faces a dangerous convergence of Islamic resurgence, targeted minority persecution, and democratic regression. This situational analysis explores convergence of internal unrest and external influence, especially through narrative warfare and strategic alignments, which has accelerated the deterioration of democratic governance and encouraged radical elements in the post-2024 scenario. For more details…….

Bangladesh

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Democracy Roiled in Bangladesh

In a move unprecedented in political history, Bangladesh’s caretaker government, headed by Muhammad Yunus, has imposed a blanket ban on the Awami League (AL), one of the nation’s most politically influential parties in history. The ban, put into effect via newly interpreted anti-terrorism and war crimes acts, represents an unprecedented turn in Bangladesh’s political history. With neither public trial nor parliament debate, this action has brought to fore serious issues of political impartiality, deterioration in democratic polity and legitimacy of transitional power.

Bangladesh

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Deepening Crisis

Shrinking democratic space, Yunus going jihadist way and western powers weary of his idiosyncrasies has turned Bangladesh a hotspot. Rohan Giri Bangladesh is in the midst of a major crisis given the political chessboard that exposes changing power dynamics, jihdist takeover, assertion of the military junta and people left to fend for them with the state giving up on governance. It’s not mere domestic political reconfiguration but a crisis in the making with both national and regional consequences. At the heart of this narrative lies decline of a figure once championed in Western capitals, Muhammad Yunus and subdued recalibration of power that tells extensively about where Bangladesh is headed and how the world must understand this transition. Muhammad Yunus, once hailed as a Nobel laureate and Grameen Bank microfinance model builder, was long seen as a link with Western liberal values. But in today’s Dhaka, Yunus no longer commands the stature of a unifying reformist and an elderly statesman. His legal troubles, political marginalisation and increasing distance from the country’s current power centres suggest a systemic and perhaps irreversible break from liberal-democratic experiment that he once symbolised. His estrangement from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), historically the principal opposition to erstwhile ruling Awami League, marks a decisive shift. Even Yunus lacks institutional support from security establishments, rendering such alliances practically ineffective. A recent massive rally titled “Rally for Establishing Youth Political Rights” was held in Dhaka by three BNP-affiliated groups, Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, Jubo Dal, and Swechchhasebak Dal as Yunus left for a four-day visit to Japan. BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman addressed the rally virtually, criticising the Yunus-led government. Days earlier, a BNP delegation demanded an election roadmap by December and urged the interim government to avoid long-term policy decisions especially on issues like the Rohingya corridor and Chattogram port. The political gap left after fall from the Awami League’s unquestionable supremacy has not resulted in democratic transition, realignment of democratic forces. Once a prominent player in Bangladeshi politics, Awami League under Sheikh Hasina, has been accused of authoritarian drift, methodical repression of opposition and getting alienated from voters. The conditions are ripe for alternative centres of power to emerge not necessarily from existing political formations but actors whose influence is wielded from behind the veil of legitimacy. One such actor is Bangladeshi military that has distanced from Yunus. Historically, taking a cautious, if not aloof, approach to overt governance. The current climate indicates its willingness to fill the power vacuum. Notably, words and postures emanating from within the army reflect displeasure with both existing political leadership and personalities, like Yunus, who are frequently portrayed as associated with Western liberal objectives. The military’s reluctance to re-embrace Yunus reveals a deeper strategic concern: aligning too closely with an internationally admired but locally polarising individual risks alienating burgeoning nationalist sentiments and undermining internal cohesion. Compounding the uncertainty is reemergence of hardline Islamic factions, particularly the Jamaat-e-Islami, long banned but far from being irrelevant. In times of institutional fragility, such groups often find space to maneuver, projecting themselves as defenders of moral order and religious authenticity. Their attempt to “call the shots” politically, often through proxies and sympathetic networks, is no longer a fringe development but a potential axis of influence, especially in disenfranchised and conservative constituencies. Under the guise of populism and faith-based legitimacy, ideological extremists are bound to acquire traction due to the Awami League and BNP’s combined weakness or non-existence in political arena. In this calculus, pro-democracy actors, while vocal and active, remain largely performative in impact. The civil society fabric of Bangladesh, which once brimmed with journalistic bravery, legal advocacy, and grassroots mobilisation, now finds itself overpowered by a combination of state repression, media censorship and judicial intimidation. Though aligned ideologically with purported liberal reformists such as Yunus, these elements are neither organised nor empowered to counter the influence of either the security apparatus or resurgent Islamist formations. Individuals who are more concerned with maintaining institutional or ideological domination than with preserving democracy are increasingly filling the gap left by middle-ground political participation. From a geopolitical standpoint, these internal realignments have not escaped the attention of regional and global powers. United States, under shifting administrations, have shown signs of strategic disinterest in Yunus continued involvement in Bangladeshi politics. At the same time, US seems to be investing in other forms of influence projection, most notably through declaration of interest in Saint Martin’s Island, a location with increasing significance due to its naval and logistical potential. Although formally within Bangladeshi territory, US maneuvers signal a willingness to challenge regional hegemonies through presence rather than partnership. Interestingly, the Bangladeshi army’s own worldview appears increasingly decoupled from traditional alignments. While military engagement with China continues through defence procurements and limited logistical cooperation, the army remains skeptical of Pakistan, a country with which historical scars and ideological differences remain deeply etched. Since New Delhi is well aware of Pakistan’s ongoing attempts to retain influence in Dhaka through both ideological and illegal means, this suspicion may be a means of fostering understanding with India. India’s own perspective on these developments is complex and evolving. New Delhi has traditionally favoured stability over unrest in its eastern neighbourhood. Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has however articulated concerns about Bangladesh’s vulnerability to becoming a chokepoint, a potential “chicken neck” in a broader strategic contest involving China, US and radical Islamic networks. The parallel highlights a concern about India’s own strategic bottleneck, the Siliguri Corridor and how instability in Bangladesh could lead to logistical and security issues in the northeast. Indian engagement, therefore, is not only about diplomatic alignment but about protecting crucial linkages and resisting China’s growing influence. The present course of Bangladesh raises uneasy concerns for democracies in the West. Common trends that are frequently disregarded in favour of short-term strategic collaboration or economic stability include the emergence of hardline forces, dwindling liberal voices and the assertion of military prerogative. If these trends are not addressed, they run the risk of combining to

Hindus in Bangladesh Face Existential Threat

Bangladesh Hindus Human Rights Security

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Hindus in Bangladesh Face Existential Threat

CIHS, UN reports meticulously documented atrocities against minorities while Yunus government is on denial mode. Pummy M Pandita Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies (CIHS) had in August 2024 released a report titled “Hindu Genocide Unfolding in Bangladesh,” detailing systematic persecution of Hindus in that country. The report highlighted how minorities and in particular Hindus suffered oppression, forced conversions and violent attacks since partition of India in 1947. With the Hindu population dwindling from nearly 30 per cent in 1947 to less than 8 per cent today, the report documented the ” … ongoing ethnic cleansing.” CIHS report findings are further corroborated by United Nations Human Rights (UNHR) Office which released its own scathing report on the persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh. UN report reinforces the notion of targeted violence, displacement and systemic discrimination against Hindus, echoing concerns previously voiced by CIHS. The two reports underscore severity of crisis and the urgent need for international action. US Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, in an interview, stated, “The long-time unfortunate persecution, killing, and abuse of religious minorities—Hindus, Buddhists, Christians, Catholics, and others—have been a major area of concern for the United States government and, of course, President Trump and his administration”. Bangladeshi however was unmoved and went on a denial mode. As per media reports, Chief Adviser’s press wing of Bangladesh’s interim government stated, “Bangladesh as a nation traditionally practices Islam that is famously inclusive and peaceful and it has made remarkable strides in its fight against extremism and terrorism.” Such response starkly contrasts the reality documented in both CIHS and UNHR reports. UNHR observations highlight a harsh reality: a systematic record of violence, displacement and persecution against a religious minority group in a state that takes pride in pluralism. This report is presented against the backdrop when rising extremism in South Asia is drawing international attention to the region and makes it acutely necessary that the situation must be evaluated factually with recourse to historical reality. Some specific incidents highlighted in the report are torching of three temples and the looting of about 20 houses in Burashardubi, Hatibandha and Lalmonirhat. UN report identifies these attacks to factors like religious and ethnic discrimination, targeted attacks on supposed supporters of former Awami League government among minorities, local communal land disputes, and personal conflicts. It also mentions involvement of some members and supporters of Jamaat-e-Islami and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in perpetuating violence. Even after initial denials, Bangladesh’s interim caretaker government admitted at least 88 incidents of violence against minorities, predominantly Hindus, after August 2024. These happenings have raised significant concerns both within the country and globally, emphasizing urgent need for effective measures to protect minority communities in Bangladesh. Bangladesh has witnessed a considerable increase in widespread violence erupted following the ousting of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in August 2024, disproportionately affecting Hindu minorities. UN report documents that Hindu homes, businesses and temples were targeted on a systematic basis particularly in rural and historically tense areas. Some of the notable incidents include: Violence was not limited to these districts only. Other districts viz., Feni, Patuakhali, and Moulvibazar, also reported heinous crimes such as arson attacks on temples and brutal murder of Hindu individuals. These assaults, involving property destruction, arson and direct physical threats often exacerbated by inadequate police response suggest institutional impunity and perhaps political motivations. UN Report states that there are several Bangladeshi localities which have emerged as hotspots of anti-Hindu attacks. The incidents recorded in report: The report documents these attacks with descriptions of victims, as verified by independent human rights groups. It is disturbing to record that police responses have been tardy or ineffective, permitting perpetrators to operate with impunity. The magnitude of the atrocities is appalling. UN report puts the number of deaths during the protests and violence that followed between July 1 and August 15, 2024, at an estimated 1,400. The overwhelming majority of these were caused by actions of Bangladesh’s security forces, who were accused of gross human rights abuses, including summary killings and shooting unarmed protesters. Children comprised around 12 – 13 per cent of these victims. Violence in Bangladesh mid-last year (2024) is not a lone phenomenon. The Hindu population in Bangladesh has been progressively dwindling due to amalgamation of targeted violence, legal discrimination and systemic exclusion. According to census 2022 data, Bangladesh’s population was 165,191,648 with percentage breakup detailed below: Religion Population Per cent breakdown Muslims 150,360,406 91.04 Hindus 13,130,109 07.95 Buddhists 1,007,468 0.61 Christians 495,475 0.30 Others 198,190 0.12 The reason for this decline is threefold—state indifference, mob violence and land grabs through Vested Property Act which has traditionally allowed seizure of Hindu-held property on various pretexts. Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government in Bangladesh had presented itself as secular. The state’s inability to intervene strongly against perpetrators of violence against Hindus creates disquieting doubts about its commitment to protecting minorities. Though there have been some arrests after occurrence of violence, conviction is an exception and political convenience becomes the rule. The growing power of Islamist parties such as Hefazat-e-Islam has further intensified the issue as political parties are reluctant to act decisively against extremists for fear of electoral retribution. One of the worrying features brought out by UNHR report is the failure of law enforcement agencies to act. In spite of large-scale nature of the attacks, there was an overwhelming failure to intervene to save Hindu communities. This institutionalized impunity has encouraged perpetrators to continue perpetrating violence against minorities in a cycle of repetition. UN report also incriminates the former government and its security establishment for planning a calculated and well-coordinated effort to quell dissent. This included hundreds of extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests, detentions and cases of torture. These acts were said to have been committed with awareness and coordination of political leadership and top security officials, possibly constituting crimes against humanity. Global community has raised severe concerns regarding the developments. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, has demanded serious probes into all deaths

Bangladesh Hindus

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Coup, Chaos, Caliphate

Radical jihadists drawing support from influential elements in US, China and Pakistan are driving Bangladesh to anarchy, instability.

Hindus Human Rights

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Dangerous Global Bias Goes Unchecked

Hindu Temples, places of worship, communities in Western democracies and Islamic nations face grave threat and metamorphosed into a huge crisis. Dr Shailendra Kumar Pathak There’s a pattern to it. Hate and violence against Hindu communities has gone global. From Hindu temples, individuals and organizations have experienced extreme violence, vandalism and intolerance. These acts and incidents of violence have been reported in continuum with no respite to Hindus that seek to practice their faith in peace or live the Dharmic way propagating peace, tranquility and provide hope to humanity that’s under stress. From Brampton and Mississauga in Canada to Bangladesh where scores of temples have either been vandalized or closed down ‘by force’, Hindu minorities have been at the receiving end. Khalistani terrorists, jihadists to Christian evangelists have targeted temples and places of worship even in Bharat that’s home to over a billion Hindus. Most disturbing is that these violent incidents that totaled to over 300 in last few months went largely unnoticed or unreported. Intolerance is something that’s common to most of the violent incidents. For instance, on November 3 in Brampton, Canada, aggressive Khalistani terrorists attacked Hindu mandir in Brampton as practicing Hindus lined up for peaceful worship and Indian government representatives were busy verifying documents of elderly Sikhs and Hindus to ensure continuity in payment of pension back home. Devotees were beaten up, harassed, roughed up and pushed around violently while the Canadian police played dumb and deaf. It’s not an isolated incident. Mississauga Hindu temple was also vandalized with anti-Hindu graffiti and intimidation of extreme variety. On November 12, 2024, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) released a comprehensive report documenting a series of attacks on Hindu communities around the world underscoring the need for attention to what many see as an escalating crisis. VHP report for 2024 documented hate crimes and attacks on temples in several nations like Canada, United States, United Kingdom, and Australia. Sharp rise in hate crimes targeting temples, cultural centers, and individuals has sent shock waves globally among 1.4 billion strong hindus spread across about 100 countries. In Canada, multiple Hindu temples faced attacks over the year including desecration of Gauri Shankar Mandir in Brampton and BAPS Swaminarayan temple in Windsor, which were both defaced with anti-Hindu slurs. United States temples in New Jersey, California and Texas vandalized and practicing Hindus harassed and defacement that included hateful messages specifically targeting Hindu beliefs and symbols were reported. This disturbing pattern suggests that these incidents are not random but part of a broader anti-Hindu agenda that is spreading in Western democracies. In United Kingdom, similar wave of anti-Hindu violence has been reported. Just last year, Leicester, a city with large South Asian population, witnessed intense anti-Hindu violence. Hindu homes, businesses and temples were attacked as mobs chanted slogans against the community, forcing Hindu families to stay indoors in fear. VHP’s report underscore that incidents like these signal an emboldened campaign against Hindu communities in societies that have long prided themselves on tolerance and inclusivity. Australia, too, has not been immune to this wave of hostility. The VHP’s November 2024 report documents attacks on Hindu temples in Melbourne where Hindu symbols were defaced with graffiti linking Hinduism to unrelated political disputes. This graffiti, filled with hateful rhetoric, was intended to shame and intimidate the Hindu community. Such acts reflect a deepening Hinduphobia that is no longer limited to casual prejudice but has manifested into violent, organized attacks on religious and cultural symbols. For Hindus living in these Western democracies, these incidents are betrayal of the promise of freedom and equality. VHP’s comprehensive report also highlights a dire situation for Hindus in neighboring Islamic countries including Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan where the situation is far more severe. In Pakistan, targeting Hindus has reached what some activists call protracted genocide. Hindu temples are routinely desecrated or destroyed, often with little to no response from authorities. Hindu girls, particularly in Sindh, face an alarming risk of abduction, forced conversion and marriage to much older Muslim men. VHP’s report included recent cases of Hindu girls being forcibly converted, torn from their families and left without any recourse for justice. Such violence and intimidation have become daily reality for Hindus in Pakistan where systemic discrimination allows these crimes to go largely unchecked. In Bangladesh, Hindus are staring at total erasure. VHP report notes that in early August 2024 in a span of five hours more than 50 attacks were recorded on Hindu homes, temples and businesses across various districts in Bangladesh. In places like Feni and Dinajpur, Hindu temples were desecrated and homes looted. Reports indicate that mobs of hundreds gathered to burn Hindu homes and assault community leaders as witnessed in multiple Bangladeshi districts such as Khulna, Satkhira and Bogura. This wave of violence has drawn international attention, as videos of the attacks went viral on social media showing mobs surrounding Hindu households, desecrating temples and forcing residents to flee their homes. VHP’s extensive list of incidents in its November 2024 report illustrates alarming scale and frequency of these attacks. It emphasizes that this violence against Hindus often has ideological backing, particularly from radical Islamic factions or Khalistani extremists which justify hostility toward Hindus under religious pretexts. VHP draws attention to anti-Hindu sentiment driven by certain missionary groups which promote aggressive conversion agendas in South Asia. This dynamic, the VHP argues, reveals that anti-Hindu prejudice is not only pervasive but systemic, fueled by a mix of religious and cultural biases. Equally concerning is general lack of accountability or response. When Hindu temples are attacked in Canada or Australia, political leaders and media outlets often remain mute spectators contrasting sharply with the swift response seen for crimes against other communities. This discrepancy has led many within the Hindu diaspora to question double standard practiced in international houses in reporting hate crimes. VHP has noted that Hinduphobia remains underreported and misunderstood, even as acts of Hindumisia (hatred for Hindu beliefs and practices) rise steadily. Unlike Islamophobia or anti-Semitism which are widely

Bangladesh Hindus

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Yunus is Lying, Plain and Simple!

Bangladesh government has no plausible explanation for Hindus exodus while jihadists and jamaatis have a field day. Vinod Kumar Shukla The person who would have been in jail serving life time in Bangladesh on graft charges was hurriedly acquitted by Bangladesh’s anti-corruption commission after his sworn in to run an interim government. Sheikh Hasina’s unceremonious ouster was reduced to a brief item in most media coverage on turn of events in Bangladesh. The Commission acquitted Muhammad Yunus, head of caretaker government and 13 others from corruption charges. Had Yunus been found guilty of money laundering charges, he would have been in jail for life. The caretaker government freed Jashimuddin Rahmani, the chief of Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT), an al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorist outfit. And, Mohammad Yunus is making desperate attempts to speak from the high podium with teachings on good neighbour etiquette to India. In the melee, Hindus in Bangladesh faced a tricky situation with a government that took the lead in unleashing terror on her own minorities. Backing from Democratic White House till Kamala Harris bit the dust in recent US elections lent credibility to the genocide of Hindus in Bangladesh front-ended by Jamaatis, army, civil police and para-military forces. The government mandated to protect Hindus lives, property, jobs and honour was not just turning a blind eye but went on a denial mode by saying that reports of attacks on Hindus and other minorities were exaggerated. This lie has been repeated from August 5, 2024 when the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was forced to flee in view of students’ protests actually orchestrated by radical Islamist organisations. Yunus not just downplayed attacks on Hindus but claimed that violence against minorities “only in some cases” and most complaints were “completely exaggerated”. Yunus ascribed political angle to attacks are more of politics rather than acting against jihadist elements that unleashed terror on Hindus, Budhists, Jains, Christians, Ahmadis and other minor groups of colour. His opined that attacks against Hindus was more political and on afterthought said that such reports were more exaggerated. On the contrary, Bangladesh government has taken an anti-Hindu stand notwithstanding that jihadists have had a free run. Atrocities on Hindus post-August 5 is reminiscent of direct action by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, first Governor General of united Pakistan that began from Noakhali in Bangladesh killing thousands of Hindus. Hindus had been subject to persecution by Islamists in the region from pre-independence days asurping their basic right to live with dignity. Islamists were very strongly poised even in erstwhile East Pakistan but after Bangladesh Liberation war they had gone underground albeit for a very short period. Testimony to this is that Hindus who made up 22 per cent of Bangladesh’s population in 1971 and 29 per cent in 1947 were reduced to about 8 per cent of 17 crore population. Genocide on Hindus continued in full glare and was not hidden from anyone except that Yunus who apparently doesn’t read newspapers and listen to scholars of his own country. One scholar predicted way back in 2016 that no Hindus would be left in Bangladesh in 30 years if current rate of “exodus” at 632 people from minority community leaving each day continued.“The rate of exodus over past 49-years point in that direction,” Dr Abul Barkat, a Dhaka university professor had said in 2016. If things were hunky dory for Hindus in Bangladesh as Muhammad Yunus is trying to portray, there’s no plausible explanation for continued and enhanced exodus. One needs to reflect as to why Taslima Nasreen was forced to flee Bangladesh for writing Lajja that documented killings, rapes, conversion and capturing properties of Hindus in Bangladesh. In the present context, Sheikh Hasina was big hurdle in giving free run to jihadists in whose hand Muhammad Yunus seems to be playing along. Big questions therefore loom large before Muhammad Yunus. As chief of interim government, does he have anything to say about an Islamic song being recited at a Durga Puja gathering in Chittagong? Was the case filed in connection with the incident? Were reports on arrest of two people by his government fake? The incident occurred on September 26, 2024 at Durga Puja celebration at JM Sen Hall in Rahmatganj area of the city. Insaf Keemkari Chhatra-Janta, a radical Islamic group, staged a protest in Dhaka against use of playground by the Hindu community for Durga Puja celebrations. There were many instances where Aarti and Bhajan were not allowed and organisers of Durga Puja were threatened with dire consequences. In certain cases, immersion Durga idols were not allowed in flagrant violation of basic right to practice one’s ‘faith’. On September 19, 2024 violent muslim mobs attacked Buddhist Chakma and Hindu Tripuri communities in Dighinala and Khagrachhari Sadar in the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh. They set fire to over 200 shops and homes belonging to the minority groups. The Muslim mob also attacked a Buddhist temple and carried out an arson attack in which many people were killed. Some of the deceased identified were 20-year-old Junan Chakma, 60-year-old Dhananjoy Chakma and 30-year-old Rubel Tripura. Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi on August 15, expressed hope that the situation in violence-hit Bangladesh would return to normal soon and said 1.4 billion Indians were concerned about safety of Hindus and minorities in the neighbouring country. President-elect Donald Trump appointed Tulsi Gabbard as Director of National Intelligence (DNI) in his administration and often condemned the atrocities against Hindus and other minorities in Pakistan and Bangladesh. This could be one factor for Yunus trying to whitewash the hundreds of crimes committed against Hindus and minorities. Social media is replete with instances of attacks on Hindu villages, houses, temples and many other installations. The minority Hindu population faced vandalism of their businesses and properties, as well as the destruction of Hindu temples. They were forced to resign from government jobs. And, it was irony that Yunus urged them to protest as citizens of the country with equal rights and not as Hindus. Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian

Hindus Human Rights Pakistan Security World

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Hindus are Safe in Bangladesh, Really?

Zafar Sobhan, ��The Print’ made false, tall claims about fair treatment to Hindus. Bangladesh President Yunus came close to stating the truth, Are Hindus really not under threat from jihadists in Bangladesh? Are they safer than Muslims and other minorities in India? Well, Zafar Sobhan in a write up has made vague but determined attempt to whitewash continued atrocities against Hindus with no letup in the genocidal campaign. But, Sobhan falsely claimed that Hindus were safe in turbulent, unsettling and violence ridden Bangladesh ignoring the publicly available data, case studies and unhindered persecution. ‘The Print’ provided its columns to Zafar Sobhan for spreading these falsehoods like agenda-based international media organizations like Al Jazeera etc. This response will methodically debunk Zafar’s fallacies and provide a true picture of minority conditions in Bangladesh. From rapes, violent attacks, forced resignation of Hindu officials to loot and occupation of their properties has become the norm while the likes of Zafar look the other way. As per Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, Hindu population in the country has dropped drastically to 8.5 per cent in 2011and down further in last 13 years from 13.5 per cent in 1974. This demographic shift is not merely result of migration for economic opportunities but deeply intertwined with systemic discrimination, land dispossession through Vested Property Act and constant incidents of targeted attacks on Hindu society. By design and intent, Zafar seems to have downplayed incidences of violence against minorities in Bangladesh, implying that such incidents were isolated and do not reflect greater societal issues. Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies investigations uncover that Hindu temples, businesses and houses are frequently and widely attacked particularly during times of recent political turmoil. These occurrences are not random acts of violence; they are frequently coordinated by extremist groups aiming to impose control or exploit political instability. Data for June – August 2024 indicate an organized attempt to intimidate, harm and ultimately wipe out Hindu population in Bangladesh. The attacks were carried out in several areas, targeting vulnerable individuals and religious sites. Temples in Moulvi bazar, Chittagong and Sitakunda are a few known cases of desecration that highlighted coordinated campaign of genocide and eradication. Zafar offered to paint the violent political movement that resulted in Sheikh Hasina’s departure as ‘democratic uprising free of Islamist influence’. This portrayal is inaccurate and ignores the complex realities of Bangladesh’s political scene. Islamist Influence and Extremism Emergence of extreme Islamist outfits such as Jamaat-e-Islami and Hefazat-e-Islam in Bangladesh’s political setting cannot be ignored. These organizations have documented history of campaigning for policies that oppress minorities and undermine the concept of secularism. Zafar’s denial of Islamist involvement in contemporary political movements is not supported by facts which demonstrates that these outfits have used political turmoil to promote their interests at the cost of minority oppression. Political Transitions’ Impact on Minorities In Bangladesh, it is a trend for minorities to become the targets of violent attacks during any political movements. An example of the kind of widespread violence that can result in deaths, serious injuries, significant property destruction, and vandalism of temples, was in 2021 during Durga Puja. These events demonstrate how vulnerable minorities are during times of political instability, contradicting Zafar’s assertion that minorities are safer in Bangladesh. Over years, persecution and intentional attacks against the Hindu community in Bangladesh have had a profound and long-lasting effect. For instance, massive violence against Hindus erupted in 2013 when Jamaat-e-Islami leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi was found convicted. Around 50 temples were attacked and more than 1,500 Hindu homes were demolished. This incident fits into a larger pattern in which elections and political upheaval are followed by violent attacks against Hindus. Numerous instances occurred between 2013 and 2020, one of which was looting and demolition of 500 Hindu homes in Gopalpur village alone during the 2014 post-election riots. These acts demonstrate how this religious minority in Bangladesh is subjected to systematic and ongoing persecution. Historical Background, Persecution and Displacement It is critical to comprehend the historical background in order to evaluate current state of minority affairs in Bangladesh. The long-term patterns that have influenced lives of minorities in Bangladesh have not been sufficiently taken into account by Zafar Sobhan. Periods of severe persecution are a defining feature of the history of minorities in Bangladesh, especially during and after the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. Deliberate persecution of Hindus throughout the conflict and ensuing appropriation of land under the Vested Property Act have left a lasting impact on the community, leading to their uprooting and economic marginalization. During the time of struggle for Bangladesh Liberation, on March 25, 1971, the Pakistani military launched a horrific operation of genocide against Bengalis, notably on the Hindu community. Around three million individuals were killed in systematic atrocities during this genocide, which lasted until Bangladesh gained independence on December 16, 1971. At least 200,000 women were raped, and some estimates put the figure as high as 400,000. Brutality such as the Burunga massacre of May 26, 1971, when 94 Hindus were brutally killed by the Pakistani military at Burunga High School, marked the darkest height of the genocide. Over 10 million Bengalis, mostly Hindus, were forced to flee to India as a result of extensive atrocities committed by the Pakistani army, which saw no distinction between Hindu, Bengali, and Indian identities. In the blunt repercussions of the Babri structure demolition in India, Islamist groups in Bangladesh began a violent massacre against Bengali Hindus on December 7, 1992. The earliest target was the Dhakeshwari Temple in Dhaka, which was attacked and set on fire. Further targets were the Bholanath Giri Ashram, which was robbed, and the Hindu-owned jewelry stores in old Dhaka, which were destroyed. The following days saw more bloodshed when Islamist attackers in Cox’s Bazar District set fire to fourteen Hindu temples and demolished 51 Hindu houses in Ali Akbar Dale. Five temples suffered significant damage, and villages in Chittagong District such as Fatikchari and Mireswari were nearly completely destroyed by fire. By the time the

Geopolitics Hindus Human Rights Policy Security

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Boys Play Big in Muddied Waters!

US, China with diverse agendas coupled with religious extremist forces in Islam and evangelists may shrink open space to operate for Bharat that has big stakes in Bangladesh K.A.Badarinath The big boys are at play. Bangladesh government under Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus is bound to be pulled apart by both United States of America seeking to establish a military base in South Asia and Chinese Communist Party led by President Xi Jingping that’s seeking unquestioned dominance in Asia. Jamaat-e-Islami and Bangladesh National Party (BNP) led by Khalid Zia would play willing tools in the big boys power play with Pakistan reduced to a lackey of minor variety. There’s denying that Muslim Brotherhood that’s globally dreaded would complicate the equation with its Islamist – Jihadist agenda on Bharat’s Eastern frontiers. ‘Razakars’ would become handy frontline private army in the hands of jihadist Muslim leadership internationally. There have been reports that already these Razakars have taken over civic policing as an occupational army of zealots. Well, tasks for Bharat are cut out after Sheikh Hasina’s government fell last week, Awami League purged, safe exit to her provided in a swift deal and Army took reins in a coup. Though interim government headed by Yunus and a battery of over dozen advisors have taken charge, nothing seems to have changed on the ground while Army calls the shots. Bangladesh’s under-belly has several layers that must be understood before Bharat gets to the drawing board to establish a working relationship with the new Army controlled, Yunus fronted regime given that Chinese, US and Pakistan deep state haggling for their pound of flesh. The ‘transitional’ Yunus regime got legitimacy as Democratic White House was first to recognise the government. Secretary of State’s spokesperson was drafted to convey that US was ‘ready and looked forward’ to working with Dhaka under Yunus. St Martin Island also known as ‘Narikel Jinjira’ (Coconut Island) or ‘Daruchini Dweep’ (Cinnamon Island) off-the-Chittagong coast may be eyed by US to set up a military base to lord over both Bharat and her expansionist neighbour China. Direct US presence in the region may not be encouraged or welcomed by Bharat given the strategic implications. Also, Bharat would get cut off virtually from entire South East Asia in terms of trade, investment and services. Church driven ‘Project K’ to carve out an artificial autonomous region christened as ‘Kukiland’ will come to the forefront. Church’s fancy idea of a separate Christian state encompasses parts of Bangladesh, Burma and Bharat’s Manipur and Mizoram. This Christian agenda is expected to get complete backing of White House under President Joe Biden or his possible successor Kamala Harris. Even if Donald Trump upstages the democrats and gets elected in November 2024 elections, this agenda may get going. Even if general elections in Bangladesh were to be held anytime now, a pliable government in Dhaka is what Washington DC may expect to see in the saddle given that Awami League is virtually out of power play. On the other hand, China would try and get Teesta River Project and other infrastructure ventures that provide Beijing proximity to India’s ‘chicken neck’ area. Weeks before Hasina government fell, US $ two billion worth interest free, concessional, commercial loans apart from grants were reportedly promised by China after a meeting that Bangladesh Prime Minister had with President Xi. On face of it, funding infrastructure projects either directly or through Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) may not just be limited to investment push. Instead, it will result in strategic issues for Bharat giving China advantage at her doorstep. Third dimension to Bangladesh story is the Jamaat-e-Islami backed by Pakistan and part of larger Muslim Brotherhood going berserk would pose serious challenges to Bharat. Jamaat pursuing genocide of Hindus in Bangladesh has been widely reported. CIHS has meticulously documented these grave crimes. Jamaat is popular as ‘congregation of Muslims’. Known as the largest Muslim formation founded in 1975, Jamaat was banned from political participation by Bangladesh Supreme Court in 2013 citing its opposition to religious freedom or practice of faith. Within its ambit were other organizations like Al – Badr, Al – Shams and self-styled peace committee that formed the jihadist network. All these are pronouncedly anti-Hindu, Buddhists and Christians in Bangladesh. Evangelists and Islamist forces are expected to be on collusion course given their extremely divergent agendas for Bangladesh. Bid to carve out an autonomous Christian area by extreme evangelists with backing from US may be at odds with ‘theocratic’ ‘Islamist’ state that Jamaat may like to evolve Bangladesh into. Conflict between evangelists and Muslims may turn rough reported from several cities in European countries. Contrarian geo-political forces in China, US and religious extremism donned by evangelists and Jamaat leaves very little space for open, flexible and forward thinking democratic agenda in Bangladesh. This is a heady mix in which India will have to tread carefully to safeguard her geo-political and strategic interests apart from that of Hindus and Indian origin people living in Bangladesh. Rightly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has emphasised that Yunus government in Bangladesh must take steps to protect Hindus lives, properties, businesses especially women that have been targeted by Jihadists. For Bharat, dealing with influx of Bangladeshis fleeing the violence torn country may be a big priority apart from safeguarding her people in Bangladesh. Secondly, New Delhi may have to swerve through muddy waters that have become playground for both US and China apart from minions like Pakistan. Thirdly, recalibrating equations with Dhaka given an array of forces from far-left extremists, religious jihadists to military establishment may pose a big challenge. Fourthly, pursuing her agenda of peace, tranquillity and prosperity in South Asia may not be easy for Bharat. Fifthly, smoothening relations with Bangladesh may turn tricky while former Prime Minister and senior Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina continue to be respected state guest in Delhi. Sixthly, working with likeminded stakeholders to ring in democracy with all forces in tact may be a tall order. Seventhly, relatively tension free

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