Bharat Disinformation Hindus Misinformation

France 24 Resorts to Shivaji Fable

Is expressing Hindu cultural nationalism a threat to humanity? Putting up Shivaji statues is not anti-Muslim as claimed by authors. Dr. Aniket Pingley One wonders as to whether France 24 article headlined,” India’s Hindu nationalists take 17th-century king as new anti-Muslim symbol” deserve any attention at all? But, in this age of generative artificial intelligence and instinct is not the only thing that matters. This figment of wild imagination could be archived as training data. Tomorrow’s AI models will carry a trace of this hogwash forward, absorbed not as opinion but as fact, the way a rumour repeated in enough places, eventually gets mistaken for a source. That is reason enough to leave a counterpoint on the record. Not because the write up has earned the engagement. The article’s opening claim is that statues of Shivaji Maharaj have in some instances been “erected in secret.” A few paragraphs later, the evidence for the broader phenomenon includes a video, filmed, uploaded to YouTube and freely viewable by anyone with an internet connection, of a statue’s public unveiling, complete with a crowd, procession and men waving flags for the cameras. One wonders as to what standard of secrecy is being applied here. A 27-metre statue requires cranes, months of construction, land allocation etc. If this is what covert operations look like in 2026, world’s intelligence agencies have been working far too hard. Even a reasonably attentive housecat, watching the unveiling video loop past on a phone screen would struggle to identify what precisely was kept secret and from whom? Should one engage in proving any plausible explanation for usage of the word “secrecy”? The author did not care enough to explain, so one would not venture any further. Deductive Reasoning That Really Isn’t The article’s next move was to identify “a few hundred men” wearing saffron scarves and waving saffron flags as RSS supporters without a named source or a single quoted individual confirming this. The entire inference rests on colour of the cloth. Is inference the right word here or is it simply an unwarranted extrapolation? Bhagwa Dhwaj, double-pennant saffron flag, is Shivaji’s own royal and military standard flown by Maratha kingdom three centuries before RSS existed. A crowd honouring Shivaji by flying Shivaji’s own historical flag at a Shivaji statue’s unveiling is doing the single most historically literal thing available to them. If anything, the provenance runs the other way: later Hindu organisations drew on this older Maratha and civilisational symbolism, not the reverse. The article treats17th-century royal standard as if it were 21st-century political logo. The colour proves nothing on its own and no serious piece of analysis would rest an accusation on it. Call what it plainly is: hogwash dressed up as analysis. Which Public Space, Exactly? The article’s most emotionally loaded claim comes from its single quoted source that Shivaji statues are “another reminder that minorities don’t have a claim on public space.” This is presented as a self-evident wrong, in the register of apartheid and segregation. As these words were being written, streets of Nagpur are hosting thousands of Muslim devotees moving through the city to mark 104th Urs, the death anniversary of Hazrat Baba Tajuddin. The local police did not obstruct this procession; they facilitated it, rerouting traffic at several junctions and absorbing the resulting congestion as a matter of routine civic accommodation. The event was large, disruptive to ordinary traffic and entirely peaceful. Nagpur is the birthplace of RSS and on these very streets RSS conducts its own annual foundation-day march-past, equally large, equally peaceful and facilitated by very same police force. Nagpur Municipal Corporation is run by BJP. Maharashtra state is governed by BJP. The country is governed by BJP. It is the party the article accuses of engineering a “hundred-year project” to deny Muslims their claim to public space. If the thesis were true, Nagpur was precisely where exclusion should be most visible and least deniable. “Juvenile nonsense” is most apt description to baseless charges made in the write up. The authors did not describe India at all but a version of it that existed inside their own echo chamber, a self-inflated flimsy bubble in which the conclusion was reached long before anyone cared to check what realities were on the street. Now let’s apply same principle honestly and it cuts in a direction the article does not want to look. It is ironic that France 24’s country of origin has its own well-documented history with precisely this question. Paris and several other French cities faced genuine controversy over Friday prayers held on public streets when mosque capacity purportedly ran short. French authorities resolved this with an outright ban on the practice on the explicit grounds that public streets belong to all citizens and cannot be claimed by any one community’s religious use (Muslims protest with street prayer in Paris suburb, AP News). Courtroom with One Witness The article’s entire analytical content rests on one voice: Rohit Chopra introduced simply as “a communications professor at Santa Clara University.” What’s kept away from the public discourse is that Prof Chopra is author of The Virtual Hindu Rashtra: Saffron Nationalism and New Media, a book published in 2019. Seven years before publication of this latest article, the thesis precisely made this claim and “re-discovered”: Online and cultural expression of Hindu nationalism constitutes a global far-right threat. Chopra sits on advisory board of Centre for Study of Organised Hate and is a member of South Asia Scholar Activist Collective, a body whose own name announces that scholarship and activism are not separate. None of this makes his opinion worthless. It only means that his views pre-date debate on Shivaji statues. His opinion was formed several years before and waiting for a fresh set of events to be rehashed to push pre-designed narrative. No RSS spokesperson has even been approached to respond. No Telangana state official has been quoted though state government’s alleged funding role was central to the story. No Maratha historian based

July 13, 1931: A Turning Point in Jammu & Kashmir

Bharat Hindus Kashmir Pakistan

174

July 13, 1931: A Turning Point in Jammu & Kashmir

Vivek Raina Hundreds were burned alive and many others were thrown into the rivers, it was a heinous episode of Hindu fate in Jammu and Kashmir & the day is still being shamelessly celebrated to honour dead rioters of July13 1931 as Martyrs. One of the most significant and divisive moments in Jammu and Kashmir’s history occurred on July 13, 1931. In the erstwhile princely state, the date was formally recognised as “Martyrs’ Day” for many years, honouring those killed during the disturbances outside Srinagar Central Jail. According to historical accounts, a sizable crowd tried to break into the jail premises to interfere with the court proceedings and threw stones at the security personnel in spite of numerous warnings from the authorities. Several people were killed as state authorities opened fire to scatter the crowd in response to an intensifying law-and-order issue. The day’s events changed Jammu and Kashmir’s political course and left a legacy of competing historical accounts that still affect public opinion today. For the minority communities of Jammu and Kashmir, memories of 13 July 1931, remains a day of mourning, pain and remembrance of the well planned and organised attack on their civil rights, dignity and existence and also the emergence of a radical movement that permanently altered the region’s social and political landscape. The princely state of Jammu and Kashmir was ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh, whose kingdom included Jammu, Kashmir Valley, Ladakh, Gilgit, Baltistan, Mirpur, Muzaffarabad, Aksai Chin and several frontier regions. Following the First Round Table Conference in London in 1930, Maharaja Hari Singh openly advocated for the independence of Bharat from British. This stance placed him at odds with the British Occupation, which had significant strategic interests in Jammu Kashmir, particularly regarding the Gilgit frontier. The British sought to weaken the Maharaja politically after he refused to lease the strategically important Gilgit Agency on terms favorable to British interests. British knew his Achilles’ heel. They propped up an agent (who was already in their circuit) Abdul Qadeer, a non-state subject from Peshawar, and assigned him the un-coveted job to incite the Muslim population of Jammu and Kashmir against the Maharaja. He did his job meticulously on various fronts. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah founded the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference in 1932 alongside Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah and Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas against Maharaja Hari Singh. In 1939, Abdullah converted it into the National Conference (currently headed by his son and current CM of Jammu and Kashmir) and later founded the Plebiscite Front, sowing the earliest seeds of separatism in Jammu and Kashmir. A key figure in the chain of events preceding July 13, 1931, was Abdul Qadir, a non-state subject who had come from Peshawar. At a gathering in Khanqah-e-Mohalla, Srinagar, he allegedly delivered a highly provocative speech, calling upon Muslims to rise against the Maharaja’s administration. Framed in explicitly religious intolerance, his address inflamed public sentiment and encouraged open defiance of the state administration. The speech marked a decisive escalation in the political atmosphere, leading to his arrest on charges of sedition and incitement. His trial became seeds of separatism in the Jammu Kashmir. On July 13, 1931, thousands of violent extremist gathered outside Srinagar Central Jail and tried to force their way into the central jail, where proceedings had been shifted because of repeated disruptions in court. Many prisoners inside attempted to burst open prison gates, police officers were hit with stones and the Islamic radicals grew more hostile and even tried to storm the jail. After being called to the scene, the District Magistrate identified the mob to be a “unlawful assembly” and issued an order for their dispersion, which was disregarded by extremists. When the violent extremist refused to disperse despite numerous warnings and the declaration that the assembly was illegal, the District Magistrate ordered authorities to use forces and maintain the law and order. The violent extremists under the supervision and leadership of social, religious and political activists like Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, looted Hindu properties and houses at Vicharnag, Maharaj Ganj (the hub of business activity), Amirakadal, Hari Singh High Street and parts of Bohrikadal. In Kanikoot Village (now in Badgam district) Hindus were mercilessly beaten, their properties vandalised and the members of one family were thrown out from the windows of their three-storey house and brutally killed. Vicharnag, a locality with a significant Hindu population, is remembered by survivors as one of the worst-affected areas. Homes being looted & burned, businesses destroyed, and families assaulted. Sexual violence against Hindu women and extensive destruction of property, the attacks specifically targeted members of the Hindu minority. Hindu community of all hues in the valley was taken aback; this carnage shook its confidence because of the fact that it did not become victim of any riots but had to face a one sided raid, for no fault of theirs. Thousands of Muslim conference workers and other extremists joined the criminals who broke out of the jail and started looting the Hindu proprieties, burning the religious places of Hindus & assault on women of minorities i.e., Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist etc. Prof. Ram Nath Kaul, educationist and Principal (Retd.) of Government Degree College, Bemina, Srinagar in his book titled “Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah: A Political Phoenix”, described how Muslim Conference mobsters, after creating havoc, were greeted by Shiekh Abdullah at Mujahid Manzil, headquarters of Muslim Conference. One of the injured activist fell into the lap of the Sheikh and said, “Sheikh Sahib, Aap ney hamen jaisa kaha tha, humney vaisa kar diya” (whatever you had told us, we did the same), and with this he breathed his last in the lap of the Sheikh. This persecution of Hindus, Sikhs & Buddhists spread beyond Kashmir valley into areas such as Rajouri, Kotli, Mirpur, Khui Ratta, Seri, Dhana, Panjera and other parts of Jammu. Hindu and Sikh homes, temples, and gurdwaras were allegedly attacked, looted, or burned. Refugee families from these regions which are presently living in the Jammu district have preserved memories of the

Civilizational Continuum to Strategic Delivery — Bharat and Indonesia

Artificial Intelligence Bharat Defence Economy Education Geopolitics Policy Security Technology Trade World

185

Civilizational Continuum to Strategic Delivery

Bharat and Indonesia’s relationship is defined beyond BrahMos, Astra missiles and port development deals. It’s a defining moment. Dr Gautam Kumar Jha Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s state visit to Indonesia last week marks a defining moment in evolution of Indo – Indonesian relations. More than another successful diplomatic engagement under Bharat’s Act East Policy, the visit marks beginning of operationalizing one of India’s most consequential strategic partnerships in Southeast Asia. While global attention has understandably focused on Indonesia’s proposed acquisition of BrahMos and Astra missile systems, conferment of Indonesia’s highest state honour, Bintang Adipurna, and fourteen agreements spanning defence, critical minerals, artificial intelligence, higher education, maritime cooperation and food security should not be viewed in isolation. Collectively, these pacts signify something far more profound: transition of the Bharat – Indonesian Comprehensive engagement from political aspiration to strategic delivery. One of Asia’s oldest civilizational relationships only separated by waters of Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea, Bharat and Indonesia have often fallen short of realising full potential of their partnership. This paradox has long puzzled scholars, raising a fundamental question: why have two major democracies, bound by centuries of shared civilizational memory and ethos, failed to transform this inheritance into a deeper cooperation? Throughout this period, however, both countries continued to celebrate their common civilizational inheritance through Prambanan, Borobudur, Ramayana, Nalanda and enduring spirit of Bandung. These historical symbols sustained political goodwill and reinforced perception that India and Indonesia were natural partners across the Indo-Pacific. However, history alone cannot sustain bilateral relationship; rather, it should be transformed into institutional cooperation, policy coordination and long-term implementation. Prime Minister Modi’s visit represents a defining transition in bilateral ties between India and Indonesia to a partnership driven by concrete cooperation. Rather than interpreting individual agreements separately, they should be understood as components of a coherent strategic architecture built upon three interconnected pillars: civilizational capital, strategic trust and strategic delivery. Reinterpreting Indo – Indonesian Relations Evolution of Indo – Indonesian relations can broadly be understood through three historical phases. First phase emerged during the struggle against colonialism and continued through Cold War. Guided by leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru and Sukarno, both countries championed Afro-Asian solidarity, Bandung Conference and Non-Aligned Movement. Political cooperation during this period was driven primarily by anti-colonial ideals and principle of sovereign equality. Second phase started following India’s Look East Policy, launched in 1991 and Indonesia’s democratic transition in 1998. During this period, maritime cooperation expanded, defence dialogues became institutionalized, ASEAN assumed greater prominence in India’s regional strategy, and bilateral relations reached a new milestone with elevation of ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first official state visit to Indonesia in 2018. However, CSP largely remained an institutional framework awaiting substantive implementation. Modi’s visit marks beginning of a third phase. Unlike previous engagements, this visit demonstrated collective progress across defence, maritime cooperation, higher education, artificial intelligence, digital technologies, food security, critical minerals and cultural diplomacy. Rather than announcing new intentions, both governments began operationalizing existing strategic understandings. The defining feature of this phase is therefore implementation. Civilisational Capital: Invisible Foundation Strategic relationship is explained in terms of power, geography, or economics. Indo – Indonesian relationship demonstrates importance of an additional variable—civilizational capital. This refers to accumulated knowledge, shared historical memory, and cultural inheritance that have evolved over centuries of interaction and mutual adaptation. Diffusion of Sanskrit learning, Hindu-Buddhist philosophy, maritime commerce, and literary traditions transformed Java, Sumatra, Bali, Sulawesi and Kalimantan without erasing their indigenous identities. Monuments such as Prambanan, Borobudur and Muaro Jambi continue to symbolise not foreign influence but Indonesian civilisation itself. Ninth century Prambanan built under Sanjaya (Mataram) dyansty is often described as Indonesia’s largest Hindu temple complex. While factually correct, such a description understates its contemporary significance. Together with Borobudur, Prambanan has become an icon of Indonesian national identity. It represents remarkable ability of Javanese civilisation to absorb external ideas while creating a distinctly indigenous cultural expression. Bharat’s commitment to restore the Shiva shrine at Prambanan goes far beyond a simple archaeological conservation project; it reflects a shared responsibility for preserving a common civilizational heritage. Prime Minister Modi’s assurance that he would return to Prambanan once restoration is completed underscores India’s long-term commitment to engaging with Indonesia through culture, education, heritage, technology and strategic cooperation alike. Civilizational capital thus became contemporary diplomatic capital. Strategic Trust: Political Transformation Conferment of Bintang Adipurna, Indonesia’s highest state honour, upon Prime Minister Modi reflects precisely this political confidence. State honours are frequently interpreted as ceremonial gestures. In reality, they function as strategic signals. Indonesia’s decision acknowledged not merely Prime Minister Modi’s personal leadership but Jakarta’s confidence in India as a reliable partner in long-term engagement. Trust becomes particularly valuable in sectors involving advanced technology, defence manufacturing and long-term institutional dependence. This explains why cooperation has simultaneously expanded into defence production, maritime security, artificial intelligence and digital technologies. Trust reduces political uncertainty; reduced uncertainty enables technological cooperation and technological cooperation, in turn, strengthens enduring partnerships. BrahMos, an Outcome Proposed expansion of BrahMos cooperation has understandably attracted considerable international attention. However, interpreting the visit solely through lens of missile diplomacy overlooks the broader strategic transformation underway across Southeast Asia. BrahMos should be viewed not as the cause of closer India–Indonesia relations but as one of the consequences. Indo-Pacific security environment has undergone profound change during past three decades. China’s remarkable economic rise has been accompanied by expanding naval capabilities, an increasing maritime presence, underwater surveillance and more assertive behaviour in the South China Sea and beyond. Artificial island construction, militarisation of disputed maritime features, fictitious interpretations of Nine – Dash Line and repeated encounters within neighbouring Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) have altered regional threat perceptions. Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat theory provides an appropriate analytical framework. States respond not merely to concentrations of power but to perceived threats generated by geographical proximity, offensive capability and long-term behavioural patterns. Indonesia’s strategic choices should therefore be understood within this broader regional security environment. At the same time, Jakarta

Familial Values as Foundational Core to Bharatiya Society

Bharat Education Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

173

Familial Values as Foundational Core to Bharatiya Society

As part of its centennial events, RSS has begun a campaign to revive the robust family system that’s focal to a cohesive society. Vinod Kumar Shukla Bharat has historically been a tightly knit society where Kutumb or family served as foundational unit of existence. It is very essence of this nation’s civilizational ethos. Bharatiya scriptures suggest that alongside origin and evolution of mankind, first social institution to emerge was Kutumb referred to as Kul in Vedic literature and Srimad Bhagavad Gita, conceived specifically for sustenance, harmony and development of society. A Kutumb provides more than just a shared identity; it acts as an anchor and robust social security net for vulnerable children and elderly members alike. It offers individuals a sense of purpose, meental strength, economic stability and a nurturing environment for personality and social development. Most importantly, it establishes and safeguards core cultural values. The catastrophic impact of compromising these household values and principles is vividly illustrated in the Srimad Bhagavad Gita: कुलक्षये प्रणश्यन्ति कुलधर्मा: सनातना: | धर्मे नष्टे कुलं कृत्स्नमधर्मोऽभिभवत्युत || 1:39|| “With destruction of family, eternal family traditions are vanquished, and remaining family becomes entangled in irreligion.” (1) Social Continuity & Ancestral Debt Family serves as an individual’s primary school for human relations, acting as a bridge that keeps society cohesive and culture vibrant. Beyond immediate emotional bonds, it connects individuals to a broader social architecture, facilitating distribution of nourishment, nurturing children, instilling civic sense in youth and caring for the elderly and infirm. In Bharatiya worldview, concept of family is also intricately tied to redeeming ancestral debt (Pitri Rin) through one’s progeny. Putting it simply, an individual owes his or life, physical form and cultural heritage to their parents and ancestors. This debt is honoured by raising a family, continuing the lineage, caring for elderly and living righteously in accordance with family traditions. Deep respect for living elders, alongside commemorative rites like Shraddh and Tarpana (offering food and water), particularly during annual Pitri Paksha, are vital facets of this familial duty. A poignant medieval anecdote beautifully highlights this cultural contrast. When the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb severely restricted the water supply to his imprisoned father, Shah Jahan, the deposed emperor lamented: ऐ पिसर तू अजब मुसलमानी, ब पिदरे जिंदा आब तरसानी आफरीन बाद हिंदवान सद बार, मैं देहदं पिदरे मुर्दारावा दायम आब “O son! You are a strange Muslim, making your living father yearn for water. Praise be to the Hindus a hundred times, who offer water even to their departed ancestors.” Modern Crisis of Disintegration Regrettably, a fractured mind set has begun creeping into many contemporary Hindu households. Over time, the institution of family and its core values have faced severe disruption, largely due to isolating influence of modern Western materialism. Families are disintegrating and foundational values are being compromised. There are many couple (Dampatti) who have decided not to have children even after entering into matrimony and despite not having any medical issues. This erosion manifests in trends like Double Income, No Kids (DINK) phenomenon where couples consciously choose global consumerism over parenthood, detached from ancient purpose of family life. Furthermore, a weakened family structure and a deteriorating value system have left individuals vulnerable to large-scale religious conversions, often driven by misinformation campaigns targeting Sanatan Dharma. These shifts run entirely counter to Sanatana ideals. Today, it is common to find elderly parents and their adult children living separately within the very same locality. Conversely, Vedic scriptures envision multi-generational joint families living under one roof. For instance, a newlywed bride was traditionally welcomed into her new home with the blessing: स॒म्राज्ञी॒ श्वशु॑रे भव स॒म्राज्ञी॑ श्व॒श्र्वां भ॑व । नना॑न्दरि स॒म्राज्ञी॑ भव स॒म्राज्ञी॒ अधि॑ दे॒वृषु॑ “Be a queen to your father-in-law, be a queen to your mother-in-law, be a queen to your husband’s sister, be a queen to your husband’s brother.” (2) This blessing reveals two profound truths: first, a woman in the household held a position of high dignity and was never subservient; second, it assumes a household where at least three generations coexisted harmoniously. Similarly, mutual respect and harmony under head of the family are emphasized in Atharva Veda: “अनु॑व्रतः पि॒तुः पु॒त्रो मा॒त्रा भ॑वतु॒ संम॑नाः। जा॒या पत्ये॒ मधु॑मतीं॒ वाचं॑ वदतु शन्ति॒वाम् ॥” “May the son be devoted to his father and be of one mind with his mother. May the wife speak sweet, gentle and peaceful words to her husband.” (3) These social norms evolved over millennia. Scriptures carefully outlined responsibilities, code of conduct and divine qualities required of family members. As Lord Krishna instructs Arjuna in Srimad Bhagavad Gita: अभयं सत्त्वसंशुद्धिर्ज्ञानयोगव्यवस्थिति: |दानं दमश्च यज्ञश्च स्वाध्यायस्तप आर्जवम् ||अहिंसा सत्यमक्रोधस्त्याग: शान्तिरपैशुनम् |दया भूतेष्वलोलुप्त्वं मार्दवं ह्रीरचापलम् ||तेज: क्षमा धृति: शौचमद्रोहो नातिमानिता |भवन्ति सम्पदं दैवीमभिजातस्य भारत || “Fearlessness, purity of heart, steadfastness in knowledge and yoga, charity, control of senses, sacrifice, study of scriptures, austerity, straightforwardness, non-violence, truthfulness, absence of anger, renunciation, tranquillity, absence of malicious talk, compassion for all beings, non-covetousness, gentleness, modesty, absence of fickleness, vigour, forgiveness, fortitude, purity, absence of hatred and absence of pride, these belong to one born with divine qualities, O Bharata.” (4) Kutumb Prabodhan: Six Pillars for Revival To arrest and reverse this cultural degeneration, protect and nourish family as foundational institution of Bharatiya society, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has begun Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Enlightenment) as a socio-cultural intervention within its centennial campaign. Kutumb Prabodhan operates on conviction that a family is not merely a group of people sharing a roof, but primary school where values, culture and national consciousness are instilled from childhood. The initiative encourages families to actively integrate Six Essentials (The Six ‘Bs’) into their daily lives: Bhasha (Language): Conversing in one’s mother tongue within the home. This preserves local dialects, idioms and unique regional cultural traditions that are lost when a language dies. Bhoosha (Attire): With a diverse society like Bharat, wearing traditional, culturally rooted Bharatiya attire must be encouraged at family gatherings and get-togethers to begin with. While modern life has displaced traditional wear, people have almost relinquished wearing traditional attire. This can be started at

Explainer: Pakistan Occupied Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh — CIHS

Bharat China Geopolitics Kashmir Pakistan Terrorism

207

Explainer: Pakistan Occupied Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh

India’s case admits no ambiguity. The accession of 1947 was absolute: a lawful, unconditional and final transfer of the whole State to India, made by its sole competent authority and ratified by its elected assembly, and its integration into the Union is complete and irreversible. The boundaries are not vague or negotiable; they are the defined limits of the former princely State, every square kilometre of which, from Jammu to Gilgit, from the Kashmir Valley to Aksai Chin, is Indian territory in law. Within those boundaries there is one sovereign and only one. What Pakistan calls “Azad” Kashmir and the “Northern Areas,” and what China holds in Aksai Chin and Shaksgam, are not disputed lands of open ownership but Indian territory under foreign occupation, taken by force or ceded without title and held against the law. The question, correctly stated, has never been to whom Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh belong. It is when the occupying powers will leave.

Bharat Technology

225

Desi Gagan to Power Bharat’s Aviation

GAGAN marks a decisive stride to aviation sovereignty strengthening safety, efficiency and global leadership in space enabled navigation. Vivek Raina Bharat’s journey towards self-reliance or Aatma nirbharta is increasingly being defined by its ability to develop and deploy world-class technologies in strategically critical sectors. From space exploration and digital infrastructure to defence and aviation, indigenous innovation is emerging as cornerstone of national resilience and technological sovereignty. Successful landing of an IndiGo Airbus A 320 using India’s indigenous GAGAN (GPS Aided GEO Augmented Navigation) created history. The system has been jointly developed by Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) and Airports Authority of India (AAI). It marks more than technological achievement and represents a strategic milestone in Bharat’s quest for technological self-reliance, aviation safety and critical infrastructure resilience. As Bharat evolves as one of world’s fastest-growing aviation markets, this achievement demonstrates that the country is capable of building and deploying sophisticated navigation technologies that meet international standards while reducing dependence on foreign systems. For decades, global aviation relied primarily on satellite navigation signals such as United States’ GPS, Europe’s Galileo, Russia’s GLONASS and China’s BeiDou. While these systems transformed aviation, dependence on foreign-owned navigation infrastructure carries inherent strategic and operational vulnerabilities. GAGAN changes this equation by giving Bharat an indigenous edge and system capable of providing highly accurate navigation services over Indian airspace and adjoining regions. GAGAN is not an independent navigation constellation like NavIC or GPS; it is a Satellite-Based Augmentation System (SBAS) that strengthens GPS performance by correcting errors arising from atmospheric disturbances, satellite clock drift and orbital deviations. By delivering higher levels of accuracy, integrity, availability and continuity, GAGAN enables precision approach and landing operations, significantly improving aviation safety and operational efficiency, particularly during adverse weather conditions. Its interoperability with international SBAS networks such as WAAS, EGNOS and MSAS integrates India into the global aviation navigation framework while preserving technological self-reliance. Operating through ISRO’s GSAT- 8 and 10 satellites, GAGAN exemplifies how Bharat is leveraging space technology not merely to achieve navigation autonomy but to provide globally compatible, high-precision navigation enhancement that supports safer skies, modern air traffic management and the nation’s growing aerospace ambitions. GPS on a smartphone is typically accurate within a few metres more than sufficient for everyday navigation. However, such precision falls far short of the exacting standards required to safely guide a commercial aircraft weighing over 70 tonnes during approach and landing, particularly in poor visibility or adverse weather conditions. Rather than replacing GPS, GAGAN enhances its accuracy by continuously correcting errors in satellite signals before they are used for aircraft navigation. The ionosphere, an electrically charged layer of earth’s upper atmosphere that delays and distorts satellite signals, is a significant barrier to GPS accuracy. Because of its location beneath Equatorial Ionisation Anomaly (EIA) where ionospheric conditions are extremely changeable and can change minute by minute, this effect is particularly severe over India. In order to maintain precision needed for aviation, especially during crucial flight phases like approach and landing, such quick changes require constant real-time adjustments. The successful landing of an IndiGo A320 using GAGAN marks a watershed moment in India’s aviation and space technology landscape, signifying the transition of an indigenous innovation from experimental validation to routine commercial operations. Scheduled passenger flights represent highest benchmark of operational reliability and GAGAN’s use in a commercial landing underscores the confidence of airlines, regulators, aircraft manufacturers and pilots in the system’s precision and dependability. By enabling a Localiser Performance with Vertical Guidance (LPV) approach, GAGAN provides pilots with highly accurate lateral and vertical guidance comparable to the Instrument Landing System (ILS), but without the need for costly ground-based navigation infrastructure. This capability is particularly transformative for India’s rapidly expanding network of regional airports where deploying ILS at every location is neither practical nor economical. Beyond supporting safer landings, the system continuously monitors GPS accuracy and immediately alerts users to any degradation, ensuring the integrity required for critical aviation operations. GAGAN Transforming Indian Aviation GAGAN in Global Context Comparison of GAGAN with Leading SBAS Systems Worldwide SBAS System GAGAN WAAS EGNOS MSAS SDCM BDSBAS KASS Country India United States Europe Japan Russia China South Korea Coverage India & adjoining region North America Europe Japan Russia & CIS China & Asia-Pacific South Korea Key Strength Designed to operate in the challenging Equatorial Ionosphere; ICAO certified precision navigation Most mature SBAS with extensive operational experience Dense aviation network and high certification standards Reliable navigation for Japanese airspace GLONASS augmentation Supports BeiDou and multi-constellation navigation New-generation SBAS supporting Korean aviation Comparison with GAGAN Superior in equatorial ionospheric correction; among the world’s most advanced SBAS for tropical regions Superior in operational maturity, user adoptionand airport coverage Superior in deployment scale and integration across Europe Comparable, but GAGAN offers wider coverage and more advanced equatorial corrections Comparable, but GAGAN has broader international civil aviation certification Comparable; BDSBAS has wider domestic deployment, while GAGAN has a longer operational record Too new for direct comparison; GAGAN has greater operational maturity Concluding Observations GAGAN-guided landing of an IndiGo Airbus A320 should be seen not as the culmination of a technological project but as the beginning of a new era in Bharat’s aviation ecosystem. Next phase will require broader airline adoption, expanded pilot training, integration of more airports with LPV procedures and deeper incorporation of GAGAN into Bharat’s evolving air traffic management architecture. While passengers may never directly notice the satellite-based technology guiding their aircraft, they will experience its benefits through safer landings, fewer weather-related disruptions, improved fuel efficiency, enhanced operational reliability and greater connectivity across the country’s expanding regional airport network. More importantly, this milestone symbolises convergence of indigenous space technology, aviation engineering and strategic national vision, reaffirming India’s ability to build and operationalise world-class critical infrastructure. (Author Vivek Raina is Manager, Outreach & Dissemination at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies) Reference:

Bharat Geopolitics

202

Japan, India Unite for Prosperity

Millennial linkages fortified by Shinzo Abe move forward for economic security, deals in critical minerals, AI & energy resilience. Takaichi Sanae Prime Minister, Japan I am delighted to visit New Delhi for the Japan-India Annual Summit at the invitation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This visit to India, my first as Prime Minister, coincides with the 20th anniversary of the first of a series of annual alternating visits the leaders of Japan and India have been making to each other’s country. Frequent exchanges between the leaders not only serve to reinforce the robust bilateral relationship but also provide an opportunity for candid discussions on how to address the challenges facing the international community in these uncertain and testing times. It is a great honour to carry forward this baton, following Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Japan last August. Since Japan and India elevated their bilateral relationship to a “Special Strategic and Global Partnership” in 2014, concrete cooperation has progressed across a wide range of fields including security, the economy, and people-to-people exchanges. As former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe once stated, “A strong India is good for Japan and a strong Japan is good for India.” I am firmly convinced that, by leveraging each other’s strengths and becoming “more resilient and prosperous together”, we will serve the interests of both nations. It is here in India that the very concept of today’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP)” first took root. “The different streams, having their sources in different places, all mingle their water in the sea.” Prime Minister Abe, in his speech to the Indian Parliament, quoted these words of Swami Vivekananda in declaring that we should view the Pacific and Indian Oceans as one and that it is our shared responsibility to pursue freedom and prosperity by cooperating with like-minded countries. This vision remains as relevant as ever and there is a compelling need for Japan and India to cooperate in realising this goal. One of the areas to which I attach particular importance at this summit is the strengthening of the strategic relationship between our countries. I wish to deepen cooperation in the field of security and strengthen our capacity to navigate the uncertain international landscape. In addition, we must work together to enhance the autonomy and resilience of countries in vulnerable positions so that they are never forced into choices under coercion from other states. This is the essence of the “Updated FOIP” I set forth in May. A genuinely free and open region is not one where only the great powers enjoy freedom but one where every nation is able to chart its own course of its own free will, unswayed by external coercion. This is the true nature of FOIP. I am convinced that this vision resonates profoundly with India’s MAHASAGAR initiative. This initiative, advocated by Prime Minister Modi, regards the ocean not as an arena for hegemony but as a shared commons that underpins the stability and growth of the entire region. India is a maritime nation that has taken concrete action to provide regional stability and support the resilience of countries in the area. It is for this very reason that India is an indispensable partner for Japan in the joint realisation of FOIP and I look forward to shaping together an international order founded upon these principles. Cooperation grounded in FOIP, India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans’ Initiative (IPOI) and MAHASAGAR is already in evidence. The “Industrial Value Chain” concept, for instance, seeks to enhance connectivity from Assam to various parts of North-East India and Bangladesh, thereby enabling access to the Indian Ocean. Through Japan’s ODA, infrastructure developments such as regional roads and bridges, including the Dhubri – Phulbari Bridge, as well as Matarbari Port in Bangladesh will extend industrial value chains not only within North-East but also across India and onward to ASEAN and beyond. Our valued friends like Nepal and Bhutan will benefit as well. When Prime Minister Modi visited Japan last August, both countries announced the “Japan-India Joint Vision for the Next Decade”. As we work toward the realisation of this vision, and taking full account of the international situation that has unfolded over the past year, I intend to put forward concrete cooperation initiatives, especially in the pressing areas of economic security, energy security, and emerging technologies such as AI. Cultural and people-to-people exchanges, rooted in the historical and cultural ties between Japan and India are equally important. In my hometown of Nara, Buddhist culture, which traces its origins to India, still vividly lives on. I trust the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and India next year will serve to give further impetus to such exchanges. The relationship between Japan and India is now a strategically aligned trusted partnership. I look forward to wide-ranging discussions with Prime Minister Modi on how best to advance our relationship for future generations as we aspire to become “more resilient and prosperous together”. (The write up first appeared in Times of India)

Geopolitics Policy Security United States USA War World

209

Managed Unstable Equilibrium?

After US-Iran Peace Deal, West Asia continues to burn. India has to devise long term tactics to tide over uncertainties in the region. N. C. Bipindra The ink had barely dried on Bürgenstock framework before bombs started falling again. Four months after US and Israel launched their war on Iran on February 29, 2026, and weeks after Washington and Tehran sat across the table in Switzerland to sign a memorandum of understanding meant to end the fighting “on all fronts,” there’s uncertainty all over. Lebanon is still burning, the Strait of Hormuz remains a flashpoint and peace deal that was supposed to calm the region has instead exposed how far apart its core players really are. US – Iran interim agreement was billed as the moment the wider war finally ended. Iran agreed to stop blocking the Strait of Hormuz; Washington lifted its naval blockade of Iranian ports and both sides committed to 60 days of follow-on talks over Iran’s nuclear programme and sanctions relief. On paper, it looked like off – ramp the world had been waiting for since oil tankers first started getting stranded in the Gulf back in March 2026. The problem is that MOU’s very first clause calls for a permanent end to hostilities in Lebanon, a country that was never at the table. Iran insisted on this because Hezbollah, its most important regional proxy, has been devastated by months of Israeli ground operations and airstrikes that have killed more than 4,000 people and displaced over a million Lebanese. For Tehran, protecting what’s left of Hezbollah isn’t a side issue; it’s the price of the peace deal itself. Iran has repeatedly said Israeli strikes on Lebanon “blatantly violate” the ceasefire it signed onto. Israel sees it completely differently. Israeli officials have said openly that they view Lebanon’s inclusion in the MOU as a major concession Washington’s envoys’ handed to Iran, one Israel never agreed to. Defence Minister Israel Katz has said Israeli forces would keep operating in what he calls the “security zone” regardless of what any memorandum says and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has separately negotiated a bilateral framework with the Lebanese government, bypassing Hezbollah entirely. That bilateral Israel-Lebanon framework signed in Washington just days ago, ties an Israeli troop withdrawal to Hezbollah’s disarmament, something Hezbollah has rejected outright. Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem called the agreement “humiliating, shameful, and a surrender of sovereignty,” and his supporters have taken to the streets of Beirut, burning tyres in protest. Even as the ink dried on that deal, an Israeli strike killed a civilian in southern Lebanon, the first casualty since the signing. This is the trap Lebanon is caught in: its own government wants out of a war it never chose, but doing so on Israel’s terms means publicly disarming Hezbollah which Hezbollah says it will never accept “unconditionally” without an Israeli withdrawal first. Meanwhile, Israel says it won’t withdraw until Hezbollah disarms. It’s a circular standoff, and Lebanese civilians are paying for it with airstrikes that haven’t actually stopped despite three rounds of declared ceasefires since April this year. Fragility of all this became impossible to ignore over past few days. An Iranian attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz triggered fresh US airstrikes on Iranian targets. Iran’s Revolutionary Guard responded by hitting American sites in the Gulf, warning that “if the aggression is repeated, our response will be broader.” Vice President JD Vance, who had just left Switzerland after peace talks, declared bluntly that “violence will be met with violence.” Israeli drones continued striking southern Lebanon’s Nabatieh area even as Netanyahu was publicly hailing his Lebanon framework as “a historic achievement.” In other words: the deal exists, the signing ceremonies happened and the shooting never really stopped. For countries like India, this war was never an abstract geopolitical drama; it hit the fuel pumps and the kitchen stoves directly. Roughly 41per cent of India’s crude oil imports, 55 per cent of LNG and an extraordinary 88 per cent of its LPG normally transit the Strait of Hormuz. When Iran effectively shut the strait in late February, India’s oil flow through that route collapsed from 2.8 million barrels a day to under 250,000, forcing New Delhi into a frantic scramble for alternatives. India responded the way it usually does in a crisis: pragmatically, and on multiple tracks at once. It ramped up Russian crude purchases, competing head-to-head with China for cargoes. It diversified toward Angola, Venezuela, Brazil, and the UAE. It even resumed direct oil and LPG purchases from Iran after a seven-year gap, betting that Washington wouldn’t punish it too harshly for doing so. The Indian Navy launched “Operation Urja Suraksha,” escorting Indian-flagged tankers through the Gulf rather than joining US-led naval coalition, a calculated act of strategic non-alignment. The payoff: by June, India’s crude imports had climbed back above 5 million barrels a day, roughly back to pre-war levels, even as the geopolitical map of its suppliers shifted dramatically. But the cost was real: a weaker rupee, an Indian crude basket that spiked from $ 69 to over $113 a barrel at the worst of the crisis and inflationary pressure that touched everything from fertilisers to transport. The deeper lesson for India and other import dependent developing economies is about exposure. A conflict thousands of kilometres away, between countries India does not quarrel with, was enough to threaten cooking gas supplies for hundreds of millions of households. That vulnerability is now feeding into longer-term decisions: faster EV adoption, push for piped natural gas over imported LPG and a renewed urgency around energy diversification that outlasts this particular war. Is peace tenable and everlasting: not yet and maybe not soon. US -Iran deal solved the problem the world cared most about: the global energy chokepoint. But it left the problem the region cares most about — Lebanon and Hezbollah — essentially unresolved. Iran needs Hezbollah alive enough to claim it didn’t abandon its allies; Israel wants Hezbollah disarmed before it ever

Bharat Education Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

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Futuristic Blueprint for Humanity

Panch Parivartan of RSS provides a transformative package for Bharat while communities globally could adopt the model. Vinod Kumar Shukla For its centennial events, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ideated on five core social transformative ideas as ‘Panch Parivartan’ (Five Transformations). Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony), Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Enlightenment), Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Environmental Protection), Nagrik Kartavya (Civic Duties) and Swa / Swadeshi (Self-Reliance) as areas into which the Hindu-centric organization would like to work on. These initiatives serve as tools to transform Bharat’s society and provide a template for global communities. These five transformative campaigns represent collective resolutions to prepare people of Bharat to deal with futuristic challenges. By fostering essential behavioural changes, they aim to drive national renaissance and build stronger, self-reliant Bharat: Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony) Pluralism is as old as the civilization of Bharat itself. It is a heritage where diverse ideas including contrarian philosophies and opposing viewpoints have not only been welcomed but have coexisted and flourished. People of Bharat are inherently seekers who engage in dialogue rather than denying or negating the very existence of others. Samajik Samrasta programme is to promote unity and eliminate discrimination based on caste, creed or social status to build an inclusive society. In an ancient civilization like Bharat, social realignments are periodic necessity. RSS vision of social harmony begins with breaking down caste and community barriers. This is exemplified by call for Hindus to share “one temple, one well and one crematorium,” effectively erasing caste segregation at its source. While this is a prominent example, continuous efforts are being made to extend support to every section of society that feels marginalized or left behind. Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Values) After the individual, family constitutes the most vital unit of any society or the nation. Family being foundational unit, nurturing strong familial values, healthy dialogue within the family members and constructive cultural traditions in the household is primary objective of Kutumb Prabodhan. Over time, the institution of the family has weakened due to various factors, facing a continuous onslaught from Western influences and those in Bharat swayed by them. RSS aims to strengthen this very institution, recognizing that a resilient family structure builds a robust society and consequently, a strong nation. In Bharat, family values are not viewed as a form of bondage; rather, they are the cornerstone of personal growth and social stability, nurturing responsible, compassionate citizens. Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Protection of Environment) Today, entire globe faces the fury of nature, a direct consequence of unimpeded exploitation of natural resources. Encouraging sustainable living, tree plantation and a lifestyle that respects nature is deeply embedded in Bharat’s civilizational ethos, where the earth, rivers, seas, air, water, trees, moon and sun are traditionally worshiped. In championing culture and civilization, RSS is simply advancing these ancient tenets that treat environmental protection as a cardinal rule of life. Through Panch Parivartan, RSS has made an “environment-friendly lifestyle” a core focus area. The message of Paryavaran Sanrakshan—saving water and using natural resources judiciously—is now transcending generations with each age group adopting its own methods to protect the planet. It represents a collective movement where different people take diverse paths toward a common cause. Selfhood & Self-Reliance (Swa) If there is anything that was severely eroded over past millennium, it was sentiment of Swa (Selfhood). Realizing essence of Swa is crucial; it begins with taking pride in indigenous roots, promoting local economies and embracing “Swadeshi” way of life as against western economic aggression. This is the core of being self-reliant and proudly Bharatiya. The element of Swa extends beyond economic independence to encompass cultural self-confidence. This principle is applied through a five-fold transformative agenda known as Panchamukhi Vikas, which focuses on Swa (Self-Reliance), Shiksha (Education), Swasthya (Health), Sanskar (Culture) and Artha (Economy). Civic Duty (Nagrik Kartavya) The citizens of Bharat are frequently criticized for a perceived lack of civic sense, which is vital for the transformation of any society. The RSS seeks to instil deep sense of duty among citizens, encouraging them to follow rule of law, adhere to constitutional obligations and maintain social decency apart from participation in societal governance. This also includes a citizen’s democratic duty to exercise their franchise during elections. While many people harbour cynicism toward “the system,” Panch Parivartan urges citizens to actively change the system from within instead of merely complaining. Among the five resolutions, Environmental Protection is the most critical for survival of mankind. The immediate priority is raising awareness about vital importance of environmental conservation and educating people on how to achieve it. As pressure on natural resources intensifies, several interventions have become urgent: protecting fresh drinking water bodies, undertaking large-scale afforestation to combat global warming, balancing oxygen levels, preventing soil erosion and eliminating single-use plastics to safeguard rivers, farmlands and oceans. The RSS seeks to address these challenges by blending traditional ecological practices with civic responsibility and community-driven movements. The greatest immediate challenge is rapid development-linked urbanization which leaves a heavy negative footprint on the environment. Western model of development has caused maximum ecological harm. In contrast, Bharat not only talks but proposes eco-friendly development models. It also proved by achieving its initial goal of reducing emissions intensity of its GDP by 33 –35 per cent well ahead of 2030 deadline and has since escalated its ambition, targeting a 47 per cent reduction by 2035. However, global progress on this is hindered by a long-standing schism between developed and developing nations. Many developed countries are reluctant to compromise or deviate from high-emission paths that initially secured their wealth. Consequently, developing nations are being pressured to reduce their carbon footprints disproportionately while others falter—such as the United States’ past withdrawal from climate agreements. The list of faltering nations is long. Denying access to eco-friendly technologies and funding arrangements by the stubborn Western leadership is yet again an issue Bharat not only abides by Paris Agreement but advocates for a sustainable development model that rejects aggressive consumerism. This model aligns with ancient Indian wisdom, which emphasizes that humanity is an integral

Bharat Bangladesh Hindus Human Rights Terrorism

193

Unimplemented Bangladesh Guarantees

Ram Statue Row, unsettling minority question point to decay in societal plurality ideals with radicals holding the sway! Diganta Chakraborty History often throws up some unsettling questions. Partition of Bengal in 1947 was one such moment. A land enriched by freedom fighter Masterda Surya Sen, spiritual leader Dr. Mahanambrata Brahmachari and ancestors of Rabindranath Tagore was divided forever. Creation of East Pakistan today’s Bangladesh was presented as a political solution but it left millions of religious minorities facing an uncertain future even after six decades. During partition, Hindus constituted approximately 22–23 percent of East Bengal’s population. Today, they account for less than one-tenth of Bangladesh’s population. Demographic shifts can occur for various reasons, including migration, fertility patterns and economic opportunities. The magnitude and persistence of this decline have prompted scholars, activists and minority rights groups to ask whether it also reflects decades of communal violence, discrimination, land dispossession, insecurity and repeated episodes of forced migration. Regardless of differing interpretations, one reality is undeniable: the question of minorities’ security in Bangladesh remains unresolved. Recent events have yet again brought the issue into sharp focus. Thousands of Hindus gathered on streets of Dhaka and several other districts following allegations that an image of Lord Ram was desecrated during a demonstration in Gaibandha. Protesters marched with torches through Shahbagh and other parts of the capital chanting ‘Jai Shri Ram’ demanding arrest of those responsible and protect religious minorities. Community organisations warned that if justice was not delivered, larger demonstrations would follow. Reports also suggest that the controversy has been linked to opposition surrounding installation of a nearly completed statue of Lord Ram in Gaibandha which reportedly faced threats from radical Islamist groups. For many observers, these demonstrations were not simply about one incident. They reflected accumulated anxieties within a community that increasingly feels that even peaceful expressions of faith have become vulnerable to intimidation. The concerns expressed by Bangladeshi Hindus themselves reveal the emotional weight behind these protests. Brotaty Roy, a student at Indraprastha College for Women, University of Delhi and a Bangladeshi national, articulated the sense of uncertainty felt by many members of the minority community: “As a Bangladeshi Hindu, I see suspension of Lord Ram statue project as more than just a delay in construction. The statue was almost completed yet threats from radical Islamist groups were enough to stop the work. To many Hindus this is not simply about a monument, it is about the shrinking space for minorities to openly practice and celebrate their faith. When threats can stop a religious project that is near completion, it creates the feeling that minority rights can be overridden by intimidation. Many Hindus believe that this incident reflects a broader pattern of increasing religious pressure in society. In recent years, concerns have grown about the influence of Islamist groups in public life and politics. From this perspective, opposition to Ram statue is not only about religious disagreement but also about an attempt to limit the public visibility of Hindu identity.” Whether or not every observer agrees with this interpretation, Roy’s testimony illustrates fears and insecurities experienced by sections of Bangladesh’s Hindu community. Public confidence in equal citizenship depends not only on constitutional guarantees but on whether minorities feel safe enough to practise and express their faith without fear of intimidation. Every democracy is ultimately judged not by how comfortably its majority lives but by how securely its minorities can exercise their rights. Bangladesh’s Constitution appears to acknowledge this principle. Article 23A, introduced through Fifteenth Amendment in 2011, directs the State to protect and promote unique local culture and traditions of the tribes, minor races, ethnic sects and communities of Bangladesh. The provision reflects the country’s constitutional commitment to pluralism and cultural diversity. Yet constitutional promises acquire meaning only through implementation. Minority organisations and human rights advocates have repeatedly argued that these protections have not consistently translated into effective institutional safeguards. Reports of attacks on temples, vandalism of religious symbols, disputes over minority-owned land, and sporadic communal violence have periodically surfaced over the years. While Bangladeshi government has often condemned such incidents and initiated investigations, critics argue that response has not always been sufficient to reassure vulnerable communities. This is not merely a legal question. It is fundamentally a question of trust. Bangladesh emerged in 1971 through a struggle that championed linguistic identity, democracy, secularism and cultural pluralism. These ideals distinguished the country’s liberation movement and inspired admiration across South Asia. Preserving that legacy requires ensuring that every citizen Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist, Christian, or indigenous enjoys equal protection before the law. Importantly, many Bangladeshis themselves reject communal hatred and recognise that attacks on minorities undermine the nation’s founding ideals. Tasdik Ahmed, a student of English Language and Literature at Bangladesh University of Professionals reflects this sentiment: “As a citizen of Bangladesh, I believe that respecting all religions and their sacred symbols is essential for maintaining communal harmony. The alleged insult to Lord Ram’s image is unfortunate and has hurt the sentiments of many people. Bangladesh has a long tradition of religious coexistence, and such incidents should be addressed through proper legal measures while upholding mutual respect among all communities.” His remarks represent an important perspective. The demand for minority rights is not simply an issue raised internationally or by neighbouring India; it is also a concern shared by many conscientious Bangladeshi citizens who wish to preserve their country’s pluralistic traditions. This distinction deserves emphasis. Raising concerns about the safety of Bangladesh’s Hindu minority should never become an indictment of Bangladesh as a nation or of its people. Across the country, journalists, academics, students, lawyers, civil society organisations and ordinary citizens continue to speak in favour of religious harmony and equal citizenship. Their voices demonstrate that the struggle against communalism is also an internal Bangladeshi conversation. The responsibility now rests with the State. Investigations into incidents of religious desecration or communal intimidation must be impartial, transparent, and swift. Those responsible for inciting hatred or violence should face legal consequences irrespective of their political

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