Bharat Education Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

Futuristic Blueprint for Humanity

Panch Parivartan of RSS provides a transformative package for Bharat while communities globally could adopt the model. Vinod Kumar Shukla For its centennial events, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ideated on five core social transformative ideas as ‘Panch Parivartan’ (Five Transformations). Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony), Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Enlightenment), Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Environmental Protection), Nagrik Kartavya (Civic Duties) and Swa / Swadeshi (Self-Reliance) as areas into which the Hindu-centric organization would like to work on. These initiatives serve as tools to transform Bharat’s society and provide a template for global communities. These five transformative campaigns represent collective resolutions to prepare people of Bharat to deal with futuristic challenges. By fostering essential behavioural changes, they aim to drive national renaissance and build stronger, self-reliant Bharat: Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony) Pluralism is as old as the civilization of Bharat itself. It is a heritage where diverse ideas including contrarian philosophies and opposing viewpoints have not only been welcomed but have coexisted and flourished. People of Bharat are inherently seekers who engage in dialogue rather than denying or negating the very existence of others. Samajik Samrasta programme is to promote unity and eliminate discrimination based on caste, creed or social status to build an inclusive society. In an ancient civilization like Bharat, social realignments are periodic necessity. RSS vision of social harmony begins with breaking down caste and community barriers. This is exemplified by call for Hindus to share “one temple, one well and one crematorium,” effectively erasing caste segregation at its source. While this is a prominent example, continuous efforts are being made to extend support to every section of society that feels marginalized or left behind. Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Values) After the individual, family constitutes the most vital unit of any society or the nation. Family being foundational unit, nurturing strong familial values, healthy dialogue within the family members and constructive cultural traditions in the household is primary objective of Kutumb Prabodhan. Over time, the institution of the family has weakened due to various factors, facing a continuous onslaught from Western influences and those in Bharat swayed by them. RSS aims to strengthen this very institution, recognizing that a resilient family structure builds a robust society and consequently, a strong nation. In Bharat, family values are not viewed as a form of bondage; rather, they are the cornerstone of personal growth and social stability, nurturing responsible, compassionate citizens. Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Protection of Environment) Today, entire globe faces the fury of nature, a direct consequence of unimpeded exploitation of natural resources. Encouraging sustainable living, tree plantation and a lifestyle that respects nature is deeply embedded in Bharat’s civilizational ethos, where the earth, rivers, seas, air, water, trees, moon and sun are traditionally worshiped. In championing culture and civilization, RSS is simply advancing these ancient tenets that treat environmental protection as a cardinal rule of life. Through Panch Parivartan, RSS has made an “environment-friendly lifestyle” a core focus area. The message of Paryavaran Sanrakshan—saving water and using natural resources judiciously—is now transcending generations with each age group adopting its own methods to protect the planet. It represents a collective movement where different people take diverse paths toward a common cause. Selfhood & Self-Reliance (Swa) If there is anything that was severely eroded over past millennium, it was sentiment of Swa (Selfhood). Realizing essence of Swa is crucial; it begins with taking pride in indigenous roots, promoting local economies and embracing “Swadeshi” way of life as against western economic aggression. This is the core of being self-reliant and proudly Bharatiya. The element of Swa extends beyond economic independence to encompass cultural self-confidence. This principle is applied through a five-fold transformative agenda known as Panchamukhi Vikas, which focuses on Swa (Self-Reliance), Shiksha (Education), Swasthya (Health), Sanskar (Culture) and Artha (Economy). Civic Duty (Nagrik Kartavya) The citizens of Bharat are frequently criticized for a perceived lack of civic sense, which is vital for the transformation of any society. The RSS seeks to instil deep sense of duty among citizens, encouraging them to follow rule of law, adhere to constitutional obligations and maintain social decency apart from participation in societal governance. This also includes a citizen’s democratic duty to exercise their franchise during elections. While many people harbour cynicism toward “the system,” Panch Parivartan urges citizens to actively change the system from within instead of merely complaining. Among the five resolutions, Environmental Protection is the most critical for survival of mankind. The immediate priority is raising awareness about vital importance of environmental conservation and educating people on how to achieve it. As pressure on natural resources intensifies, several interventions have become urgent: protecting fresh drinking water bodies, undertaking large-scale afforestation to combat global warming, balancing oxygen levels, preventing soil erosion and eliminating single-use plastics to safeguard rivers, farmlands and oceans. The RSS seeks to address these challenges by blending traditional ecological practices with civic responsibility and community-driven movements. The greatest immediate challenge is rapid development-linked urbanization which leaves a heavy negative footprint on the environment. Western model of development has caused maximum ecological harm. In contrast, Bharat not only talks but proposes eco-friendly development models. It also proved by achieving its initial goal of reducing emissions intensity of its GDP by 33 –35 per cent well ahead of 2030 deadline and has since escalated its ambition, targeting a 47 per cent reduction by 2035. However, global progress on this is hindered by a long-standing schism between developed and developing nations. Many developed countries are reluctant to compromise or deviate from high-emission paths that initially secured their wealth. Consequently, developing nations are being pressured to reduce their carbon footprints disproportionately while others falter—such as the United States’ past withdrawal from climate agreements. The list of faltering nations is long. Denying access to eco-friendly technologies and funding arrangements by the stubborn Western leadership is yet again an issue Bharat not only abides by Paris Agreement but advocates for a sustainable development model that rejects aggressive consumerism. This model aligns with ancient Indian wisdom, which emphasizes that humanity is an integral

Bharat Bangladesh Hindus Human Rights Terrorism

102

Unimplemented Bangladesh Guarantees

Ram Statue Row, unsettling minority question point to decay in societal plurality ideals with radicals holding the sway! Diganta Chakraborty History often throws up some unsettling questions. Partition of Bengal in 1947 was one such moment. A land enriched by freedom fighter Masterda Surya Sen, spiritual leader Dr. Mahanambrata Brahmachari and ancestors of Rabindranath Tagore was divided forever. Creation of East Pakistan today’s Bangladesh was presented as a political solution but it left millions of religious minorities facing an uncertain future even after six decades. During partition, Hindus constituted approximately 22–23 percent of East Bengal’s population. Today, they account for less than one-tenth of Bangladesh’s population. Demographic shifts can occur for various reasons, including migration, fertility patterns and economic opportunities. The magnitude and persistence of this decline have prompted scholars, activists and minority rights groups to ask whether it also reflects decades of communal violence, discrimination, land dispossession, insecurity and repeated episodes of forced migration. Regardless of differing interpretations, one reality is undeniable: the question of minorities’ security in Bangladesh remains unresolved. Recent events have yet again brought the issue into sharp focus. Thousands of Hindus gathered on streets of Dhaka and several other districts following allegations that an image of Lord Ram was desecrated during a demonstration in Gaibandha. Protesters marched with torches through Shahbagh and other parts of the capital chanting ‘Jai Shri Ram’ demanding arrest of those responsible and protect religious minorities. Community organisations warned that if justice was not delivered, larger demonstrations would follow. Reports also suggest that the controversy has been linked to opposition surrounding installation of a nearly completed statue of Lord Ram in Gaibandha which reportedly faced threats from radical Islamist groups. For many observers, these demonstrations were not simply about one incident. They reflected accumulated anxieties within a community that increasingly feels that even peaceful expressions of faith have become vulnerable to intimidation. The concerns expressed by Bangladeshi Hindus themselves reveal the emotional weight behind these protests. Brotaty Roy, a student at Indraprastha College for Women, University of Delhi and a Bangladeshi national, articulated the sense of uncertainty felt by many members of the minority community: “As a Bangladeshi Hindu, I see suspension of Lord Ram statue project as more than just a delay in construction. The statue was almost completed yet threats from radical Islamist groups were enough to stop the work. To many Hindus this is not simply about a monument, it is about the shrinking space for minorities to openly practice and celebrate their faith. When threats can stop a religious project that is near completion, it creates the feeling that minority rights can be overridden by intimidation. Many Hindus believe that this incident reflects a broader pattern of increasing religious pressure in society. In recent years, concerns have grown about the influence of Islamist groups in public life and politics. From this perspective, opposition to Ram statue is not only about religious disagreement but also about an attempt to limit the public visibility of Hindu identity.” Whether or not every observer agrees with this interpretation, Roy’s testimony illustrates fears and insecurities experienced by sections of Bangladesh’s Hindu community. Public confidence in equal citizenship depends not only on constitutional guarantees but on whether minorities feel safe enough to practise and express their faith without fear of intimidation. Every democracy is ultimately judged not by how comfortably its majority lives but by how securely its minorities can exercise their rights. Bangladesh’s Constitution appears to acknowledge this principle. Article 23A, introduced through Fifteenth Amendment in 2011, directs the State to protect and promote unique local culture and traditions of the tribes, minor races, ethnic sects and communities of Bangladesh. The provision reflects the country’s constitutional commitment to pluralism and cultural diversity. Yet constitutional promises acquire meaning only through implementation. Minority organisations and human rights advocates have repeatedly argued that these protections have not consistently translated into effective institutional safeguards. Reports of attacks on temples, vandalism of religious symbols, disputes over minority-owned land, and sporadic communal violence have periodically surfaced over the years. While Bangladeshi government has often condemned such incidents and initiated investigations, critics argue that response has not always been sufficient to reassure vulnerable communities. This is not merely a legal question. It is fundamentally a question of trust. Bangladesh emerged in 1971 through a struggle that championed linguistic identity, democracy, secularism and cultural pluralism. These ideals distinguished the country’s liberation movement and inspired admiration across South Asia. Preserving that legacy requires ensuring that every citizen Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist, Christian, or indigenous enjoys equal protection before the law. Importantly, many Bangladeshis themselves reject communal hatred and recognise that attacks on minorities undermine the nation’s founding ideals. Tasdik Ahmed, a student of English Language and Literature at Bangladesh University of Professionals reflects this sentiment: “As a citizen of Bangladesh, I believe that respecting all religions and their sacred symbols is essential for maintaining communal harmony. The alleged insult to Lord Ram’s image is unfortunate and has hurt the sentiments of many people. Bangladesh has a long tradition of religious coexistence, and such incidents should be addressed through proper legal measures while upholding mutual respect among all communities.” His remarks represent an important perspective. The demand for minority rights is not simply an issue raised internationally or by neighbouring India; it is also a concern shared by many conscientious Bangladeshi citizens who wish to preserve their country’s pluralistic traditions. This distinction deserves emphasis. Raising concerns about the safety of Bangladesh’s Hindu minority should never become an indictment of Bangladesh as a nation or of its people. Across the country, journalists, academics, students, lawyers, civil society organisations and ordinary citizens continue to speak in favour of religious harmony and equal citizenship. Their voices demonstrate that the struggle against communalism is also an internal Bangladeshi conversation. The responsibility now rests with the State. Investigations into incidents of religious desecration or communal intimidation must be impartial, transparent, and swift. Those responsible for inciting hatred or violence should face legal consequences irrespective of their political

Bharat Canada Khalistan Pakistan Security Terrorism World

129

Remembering Kanishka and the Threat That Outlived It

Air India Flight 182, known as Kanishka, did not fall from the sky. It was bombed. And the hands that bombed it were shaken, sheltered, and in some cases, elected to office in the four decades that followed. Rahul PAWA On 23 June 1985, Air India Flight 182, operating on the Montreal-London-Delhi route, was blown up by a bomb at an altitude of 30,000 feet and crashed into the Atlantic Ocean while in Irish airspace. All 329 people on board were killed, among them 268 Canadians. There were 82 children under the age of thirteen. Families waiting at Heathrow received no arrivals. Relatives in Delhi received no calls. What they received, eventually, was confirmation that a bomb planted in Vancouver had ended every life on that aircraft before it crossed the Irish coast. Forty-one years have passed. Today, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney issued a statement on the National Day of Remembrance for Victims of Terrorism, acknowledging that the bombing remains the deadliest terrorist attack in Canada’s history. The words are appropriate and overdue. But remembrance divorced from accountability is ritual without purpose. The Kanishka bombing was not a closed chapter. It was an opening one, and the story it began has not ended. Despite the fact that most victims were Canadian citizens, the bombing was largely treated at the time as an Indian matter. That framing shaped four decades of institutional inaction. It allowed the networks responsible to reconstitute themselves under different names, in different cities, with different organisational structures but the same ideological core. Khalistanis or the proposed Khalistani ideals have no meaningful support base inside India itself. What it has is a diaspora infrastructure spread across Canada, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Australia, and a state patron with a documented strategic interest in keeping that infrastructure operational. Hudson Institute research documents available evidence of support received by US-based Khalistan groups from entities and individuals linked to Pakistan, and confirms that ISI backing for the Khalistani movement has not stopped. Pakistan lost four conventional wars against India. Sponsored extremism in the diaspora is the continuation of that competition by other means. Canada’s CSIS 2025 Annual Report formally designates Canada-based Khalistani extremists a national security threat, noting that some are well connected to Canadian citizens who leverage Canadian institutions to promote their violent extremist agenda and divert funds from unsuspecting community members toward violent activities. This formal designation, tabled before Parliament forty years after the Kanishka bombing, is significant. It is also a measure of how long democratic governments can defer an honest reckoning when the political costs of clarity feel immediate and the costs of ambiguity feel abstract. Those costs ceased to be abstract on 3 November 2024. Khalistani extremists attacked worshippers outside the Hindu Sabha Mandir in Brampton, Ontario with flag poles and sticks. Three men were subsequently charged. A serving Peel Region police officer was suspended after it emerged he had participated in the protest outside the temple. Parallel violence erupted the same day in Surrey, British Columbia. That a sworn officer of a Canadian police service attended a demonstration that turned on worshippers inside a house of worship is not, in isolation, a human resources problem. It is a signal about how deeply these networks have embedded themselves in western civic life. In March 2026, Nancy Grewal, a Canadian Sikh critic of Khalistani extremism, was fatally stabbed in LaSalle, Ontario. She had told CBC the week before her murder that she was receiving death threats for speaking publicly against Khalistani extremists. A social media account associated with Khalistani extremism claimed responsibility. She was not a diplomat, not a government official, not a symbolic target. She was a woman with a social media platform who said what she believed. That is sufficient, in the logic of this movement, to warrant killing. Four of the nine Khalistani extremists designated as terrorists by the Indian government in 2020 are based in Pakistan. SFJ’s websites have been linked to Pakistani addresses, and its spokespeople have participated in events organised by the Pakistani embassy in the United States in collaboration with groups with close links to the Pakistani regime and proscribed jihadist organisations. In December 2025, the United Kingdom government imposed sanctions on pro-Khalistan entities linked to Babbar Khalsa. Babbar Khalsa was the terrorist organisation whose Canada-based operatives planted the bomb that destroyed the Kanishka. That it required forty years for a close democratic partner to sanction its affiliates is a precise measure of how poorly calibrated the collective response has been. Khalistani extremist networks do not respect borders. They exploit financial systems, punjabi music and film industry, charitable structures, asylum routes, and diaspora politics across multiple jurisdictions simultaneously. A response that operates jurisdiction by jurisdiction, each government managing its own domestic political sensitivities around a diaspora community, is structurally inadequate to a threat that has always operated across those boundaries. The 329 people aboard the Kanishka on 23 June 1985 were travelling between countries that share values, institutions, and treaty commitments. They were killed by an terrorist group that understood, correctly, that those countries would not coordinate their response effectively enough to matter. The legacy of Air India Flight 182 demands remembrance and vigilance. Vigilance, in 2026, means coordinated terrorist designations, disruption of Pakistan Army and ISI-linked financial channels, and an end to the political and social accommodation that has functionally kept this threat viable across four decades. The families of 329 people and many more around the world have been waiting long enough. (Author is Director of Research at the Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, New Delhi, and formerly a Research Fellow at the Parliament of India. He writes on international law, frontier technologies and global security.)

Artificial Intelligence Bharat Business Economy Technology

Swadeshi Goes Hi-Tech!

‘Swa’ and Bharat’s self-reliance in advanced technology areas is a reality, domestic nuclear power campaign to fuel energy security. Dr Upender Krishen Saroop Swadeshi way of life carries a very deep and broader meaning. One must first understand Self (Swa) inherent in the word “Swadeshi.” ‘Swa’ has three foundational dimensions that have given Bharat a distinct identity and personality. When these three dimensions find natural expression in our personal, familial, professional, social and national life, only then can that way of living be truly called Swadeshi way of life in fullest sense. Bharat’s first and most fundamental concept of ‘Swa’ is spirituality. As Bharatiya worldview is rooted in spirituality, it is integral (Ekatma) and holistic (Sarvangeen). Bharat perceives the entire creation as interconnected, and it is from this that idea of “world is one family” (Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam) emanates. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) advocates Swadeshi (economic and cultural self-reliance) as outward manifestation of this unique concept, ‘Swa’ and a core pillar of national reconstruction. Championed through its socio-political affiliates, this philosophy shapes domestic policies, promotes indigenous industries and re-centres Bharat’s cultural identity. Rooted in the philosophy propounded by RSS ideologue Deendayal Upadhyaya, Swadeshi goes beyond economics to encompass cultural and spiritual self-reliance that ingrains holistic human development over unchecked consumerist globalisation. RSS promotes a native economic model that avoids both hyper-capitalism and state-controlled socialism, emphasizing on sustainable development, small-scale industries and maintaining environmental balance. The organization advocates protection of traditional familial structures, local community bonds and promotion of mother tongues and indigenous lifestyles. The Swadeshi concept forms ideological bedrock for major national campaigns. It heavily aligns with Bharat government’s Atmanirbhar Bharat (Self-Reliant India) and “Vocal for Local” initiatives which aim to empower domestic manufacturers and boost locally made products. India’s successful Swadeshi designed Nuclear reactor: India has marked a major milestone in its nuclear energy programme. The indigenously designed and built Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor (PFBR) at Kalpakkam in Tamil Nadu successfully attained first criticality on April 6, 2026, marking initiation of a sustained nuclear chain reaction. This PFBR is 500 MW reactor built by Bharatiya Nabhikiya Vidyut Nigam Limited (BHAVINI) at the Kalpakkam Nuclear Complex. With this feat, Bharat has entered second stage of its three-stage nuclear power campaign, first conceived by Dr. Homi Jehangir Bhabha, the architect of domestic nuclear programme. The milestone carries substantial global significance. Once fully operational, India will become only the second country in the world after Russia to operate a commercial fast breeder reactor. This milestone is testament to decades of scientific effort led by Department of Atomic Energy. It also marks a significant step in India’s clean energy journey, reinforcing the country’s commitment to reliable, low-carbon power. Additionally, it brings Bharat closer to realizing net zero emissions by 2070, a target set by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Three-stage nuclear power campaign India holds limited uranium reserves but one of the largest thorium deposits globally. To make the most of these resources, Department of Atomic Energy designed a three-stage nuclear power campaign built on a closed nuclear fuel cycle. The goal is to progressively multiply domestic fissile resources and secure long-term energy independence. Natural uranium is used as fuel in PHWRs to generate power. The spent fuel from these reactors produces plutonium which becomes primary input for the next stage. The plutonium obtained from Stage 1 is used as fuel in Fast Breeder Reactors which generate more fuel than they consume. PFBR at Kalpakkam marks Bharat’s entry into this stage. These reactors will be used to breed Uranium-233 from thorium, laying the groundwork for Stage 3. This stage will harness India’s vast thorium reserves at scale using Uranium-233 bred in Stage 2 as fuel. Thorium is considered a practically vast energy source and this stage holds the key to India’s long-term energy security. Each stage feeds into the next, making India’s nuclear programme one of the most forward-looking energy strategies in the world. PFBR: An Overview PFBR represents decades of indigenous research, design and engineering. Its technology was developed by Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research (IGCAR), an R&D centre under Department of Atomic Energy. Nuclear Power Landscape in India Bharat’s nuclear energy campaign has maintained steady presence in the country’s electricity mix. It now stands at a pivotal moment with significant expansion planned over coming years. Taken together, these numbers tell a clear story. Nuclear energy is no longer just a supplementary source of power in India. It is fast becoming cornerstone of the country’s clean energy future. Long-Term Mission Bharat has set sights on a significantly larger role for nuclear energy in its power mix. Government has announced Nuclear Energy Mission, outlined in Union Budget 2025–26, with the aim of achieving 100 GW nuclear power generation capacity by 2047. The mission also supports India’s broader goal of achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2070. The sector is under regulatory oversight, opening new avenues for collaboration and investment. India’s long-term nuclear vision is ambitious by design. With policy backing, dedicated funding and indigenous research at its core, country is building a nuclear future that is both self-reliant and globally significant. Conclusion Concept of Self Reliance or Atma nirbharta has its roots and inspiration from the concept of Swa and Swadeshi, an important paradigm for RSS. This is one of the five transformative ideas put forth in centenary year of RSS. Realm of Swadeshi has gone into high technology areas like Nuclear and solar energy to ensure energy security of our nation, space missions, defence equipment production, Semiconductors to name a few. The emergence of Bharat as an economic superpower based on ennobling values of peace and Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam is not only inevitable but desirable for the world which is torn apart in wars and violence. Bharat will provide the lead in this endeavour. (Author holds a doctorate in polymer technology from Indian Institute of Technology Delhi. He was a scientist in Shriram Institute for Industrial Research and formerly Vice President with Reliance Industries. Currently, he’s advisor to several packaging and polymer companies)

Human Rights United Kingdom

125

Too Little, Late & Inadequate

Protestant Church of England’s apology on inhuman crimes committed against mothers, children over half a century is big sham. Catholics have not even recognized their inhuman atrocities. CIHS Desk Protestant doctrine led Church of England whose supreme governor was the British King offered an apology for inhumanly treating pregnant mothers, separating their babies and subjecting them to aggressively inhuman, menial work as punishment in over five decades. Tens of thousands mothers have been separated from their babies immediately after giving birth in the name of Christianity and the Lord. Archbishop of Canterbury Sarah Mullally’s apology for having inhumanly treated over 185,000 mothers and their kids is a sham. The ‘no apology’ is too little, late and inconsequential given the kind of Church administered atrocities on women following Second World War. While the number of mothers and babies impacted due to Church atrocities are manifold higher, this apology is more a face-saver. Playing down the Church’s role seems to be the strategy adopted by protestants to wriggle out of the historic inhuman blunder perpetuated on the English communities that went uninterrupted for over five decades. The Anglican institutions that were responsible for horrendous crimes against mothers and children have not taken responsibility for inhuman treatment, offered no relief, redress or rehabilitation. Catholic church in Ireland and elsewhere has also perpetuated atrocities on pregnant women separating their babies on birth, subjected them to racial discrimination and put them to menial work. Hundreds of babies reportedly died due to malnutrition and mistreatment by the Church authorities. While a 2021 report of Irish state did point to the inhuman practices, full scale of atrocities is yet to be fully documented. These atrocities by Church of different denominations happened globally in the name of Lord and Christianity while the state apparatus, governments maintained tight lid of secrecy. Across continents these practices prevailed in the name of religion and God with no remorse. Tens of thousands women, girls and children were subjected to abuse, malnutrition, inadequate hygiene and neglect if reports by US-based NPR were to go by. Excavating tiny skulls over the years also pointed to unaccounted deaths of kids that never saw light of the day or accounted for. All over Europe, Africa and Australia such cases of mothers and children separation have had been reported with Church leadership still on denial mode. Is this God’s work?

Bharat Hindus Kashmir Pakistan Security Technology

153

Kashmir’s Temple Heritage: A Testament to Bharat’s Enduring Civilization

The history of Kashmir is a tale of culture rather than just geography. The Valley fostered a distinctive intellectual, spiritual and cultural history for thousands of years that significantly influenced Bharat’s civilisational terrain. Kashmiri Hindu community consisting of intellectuals, philosophers, saints, poets and custodians of sanatan/dharmic knowledge whose presence established Kashmir’s cultural identity over centuries, stood at the heart of this legacy. For a displaced Kashmiri Hindu minority community, Kashmir Valley’s topography represents a sacred map of the spirit rather than just a set of physical coordinates. A 5,000-year-old civilisational continuum can be found in every mountain peak, freshwater spring (nag) and weathered stone facade. As opposed to “being seen as” two distinct geographies linked only by political boundaries, Kashmir and Bharat are integral parts of a single civilisational and dharmic ecosystem. Ideas, philosophies, texts, scholars, pilgrims and cultural customs moved freely between Kashmir and the rest of Bharat for millennia, enhancing a common civilisational consciousness. Kashmir Valley produced significant contributions to Shaivism, Sanskrit scholarship, aesthetics, philosophy and religious learning; it was not a peripheral frontier but rather one of the leading hubs of Bharatiya spiritual thinking. As a result, the history of Bharat and Kashmir are intricately interwoven, and the preservation of Bharat’s larger civilisational memory is inseparably related to the preservation of Kashmir’s legacy. Hundreds of ancient temples, shrines and historic sites were abandoned to stillness, overgrowth and the gradual deterioration of time when this link/bond was shattered by the mass ethnic cleansing and exodus of early 1990s. Temples of Kashmir, which are tucked away in the region’s breath-taking scenery, are timeless representations of spirituality, religion and cultural legacy. These hallowed locations serve as centres of devotion, meditation and cultural continuity while providing a deep link to Kashmir Valley’s historical past. Preserving historic neighbourhoods, sacred shrines, old temples and cultural landmarks connected to Kashmiri Hindu’s past has become an urgent priority. However, this endeavour is more than just preserving stones, buildings or archaeological remains; it is a crucial, emotional link that connects and preserves collective memory, reconnects identity and fulfils the long-term goals of a community committed to reclaiming its history and re-establishing ties between displaced generations and their ancestors. In this brief, CIHS is exploring the rich history, stunning architecture and profound spiritual importance of some of Kashmir’s most revered Hindu temples. Background One of the most amazing manifestations of Kashmir Valley’s long-standing spiritual and cultural legacy are its temples. Their multi-century history reflects the development of religious customs, artistic brilliance and innovative architecture in the Kashmir Valley. Many of these hallowed buildings date back to the early Common Era and some historians believe that the Kushan dynasty is when the first temples were built. Over time, Gandharan, Gupta and Central Asian artistic schools combined with rishi/sanatan customs, created a unique character of Kashmiri temple building. The ruins of a prosperous and long-lasting civilisation can be found all over the Valley. A living archive of Kashmir’s civilisational history is made up of ancient temples devoted to Shiva, Shakti, Vishnu and other deities; sacred springs and pilgrimage sites; traditional settlements; educational institutions and locations connected to well-regarded saints and scholars. Major Dynastic Contributions to Kashmiri Temple Architecture Dynasty Period Contribution Kushan Dynasty 1st–3rd century CE Early foundations of religious and artistic traditions in Kashmir. Karkota Dynasty 7th–9th century CE Golden age of temple construction; Martand and Naranag (or Naran Naag) temples. Utpala Dynasty 9th–10th century CE Construction of Avantiswami, Avantisvara and other major temples. Lohara Dynasty 10th–12th century CE Continued patronage of temples and religious institutions. Known as the “golden age” of Kashmir’s architectural and cultural accomplishments, the Karkota dynasty (7th–9th centuries CE) was a pivotal period in the development of temple architecture. Several large temples were built during this time, the most well-known of which being the Martand Sun Temple. A marvel of ancient Indian architecture, the temple was constructed in the eighth century by King Lalitaditya Muktapida and features a distinctive fusion of Gandharan, Gupta and regional Kashmiri design elements. The wealth and creative sophistication of the time are reflected in its enormous size and fine craftsmanship. Subsequent Utpala dynasty (9th–10th centuries CE) substantially enhanced Kashmir’s sacred landscape by building and supporting significant holy sites. Shankaracharya, one of the most treasured temple, is situated on a hilltop with a view over Srinagar. This historic shrine, devoted to Bhagwan Shiva, has long been a hub of spiritual devotion and pilgrimage, providing both religious importance and expansive vistas of the Valley. Shadipur in Kashmir Valley, also known as “Chota Prayagraj,” is a spiritual reflection of Prayagraj, the sacred confluence of the Ganga, Yamuna and Saraswati. Nestled amid the serene landscapes, Shadipur marks the sacred confluence of Jhelum and Sind rivers, mirroring the spiritual significance of the Triveni Sangam at Prayagraj. Similar to pilgrims at the Kumbh in Prayagraj, Kashmiri Hindus have flocked here for generations to carry out religious observances, ancestral rites and holy dips. Every twelve years, the place holds the Dashar Maha Kumbh, a distinctive Kashmiri custom that attracts people not only from Kashmir but all over Bharat. Shadipora’s “Chota Kumbh” highlights Kashmir Valley’s unique spiritual legacy, signifying the Valley’s deep-rooted connection to Hindu civilisation and pilgrimage network. From the Vitasta-Sindh Sangam in Kashmir to the Ganga-Yamuna Sangam in the center of Bharat, they collectively exhibit a common cultural continuum. Shaivite academics, priests and saints who worshipped at the holy Chinar island and Shiva Lingam at the sacred confluence have long been connected to the place. Shadipora Prayag has been a respected pilgrimage site for centuries, from ancient Kashmiri sages and Shaivite intellectuals to Maharaja Hari Singh and generations of Kashmiri Hindus. The mortal remains of national luminaries like Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Atal Bihari Vajpayee have also been found at the sacred confluence, demonstrating its special place in Kashmir’s spiritual and cultural legacy. Numerous temples in Kashmir have suffered ravages of invasions, natural disasters and political upheavals throughout history. They remain timeless representations of the region’s robust cultural and spiritual heritage despite these

Artificial Intelligence Bharat Policy Security Technology USA World

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Westphalianization of AI

When Washington pulled a frontier model offline for foreign nationals, it did more than enforce an export control. It began the territorialization of artificial intelligence, drawing national borders around a technology the internet age assumed would have none. Rahul PAWA | X- @imrahulpawa The early internet was sold as a challenge to sovereignty. Information would route around borders, jurisdiction would dissolve into bandwidth, and the territorial state, the durable invention of the seventeenth-century Westphalian order, would find itself outflanked by a global commons it could neither map nor police. For three decades that was the governing assumption of digital policy: code travels, and states adapt. On the evening of June 12, the United States quietly inverted it. It ordered a commercially deployed frontier AI model off the market on national security grounds, and in doing so signalled that the most consequential layer of the digital economy will be organized not as a borderless commons but along national lines. The mechanics were abrupt. At 5:21 p.m. Eastern Time, Anthropic received an export-control directive instructing it to terminate access to its two most capable models, Fable 5 and Mythos 5, for all foreign nationals, whether located abroad or inside the United States, and including the company’s own non-citizen employees. The directive, signed by Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick with input from the Bureau of Industry and Security, invoked national security authorities but offered little public technical justification. Because Anthropic could not reliably separate foreign nationals from everyone else in real time, the practical effect was a global shutdown. Within hours both models were offline worldwide. Other Claude models, including Opus 4.8, remained available. The proximate trigger was a reported jailbreak: a prompting technique that allegedly exposed Fable 5’s restricted cybersecurity functions, the offensive vulnerability-discovery capabilities Anthropic intentionally isolates behind safety controls. The company’s said that the demonstration surfaced only a handful of previously known, low-severity flaws, and that comparable outputs were already obtainable from other publicly accessible frontier models without any special bypass. Anthropic complied while calling the decision a misunderstanding, warning that the same standard, applied consistently, would render future frontier deployments practically impossible. Whether the bypass was trivial or grave is, for the historian of governance, secondary. What matters is the precedent the state has now set in public. For the first time, Washington has treated a deployed AI model not as a software product but as a controlled strategic asset whose distribution to foreign persons can be halted by executive action. That is a change in kind, not degree. The closest analogies are not social platforms or cloud services but uranium enrichment technology, jet engines, lithography machines, and advanced semiconductors. Washington already restricts the chips used to train frontier models; it has now moved one layer higher in the stack and claimed authority over the cognitive capabilities those chips produce. This is the territorialization of intelligence: the assertion that an advanced cognitive capability, however dispersed its users or its infrastructure, falls within the jurisdiction of a single state. The object of control is no longer the machine, nor even the code, but the intelligence itself. That may prove to be the most consequential legal development in the history of artificial intelligence. This is where the Westphalian frame earns its keep. Sovereignty has always been less about territory than about the right to decide who may use a capability within and beyond one’s jurisdiction. States came to regulate cryptography, satellites, and nuclear technology not because of what those things were made of but because they redistributed power. Frontier AI now sits in that category. The early-internet dream imagined intelligence as something that would diffuse freely across the map. The June 12 directive asserts the opposite: that advanced intelligence is a national asset, that access to it is a sovereign prerogative, and that, for the first time, citizenship may determine which intelligence a person is permitted to consult. For most of the world, the implication is uncomfortable and specific. Governments have spent recent years pursuing compute sovereignty, building domestic data centers, securing GPU allocations, and shoring up semiconductor supply chains. The Fable episode reveals a deeper dependency they had largely ignored. A country may own its cloud infrastructure, its data, and its applications, and still lose the intelligence layer beneath all of them overnight, because that layer remains subject to a foreign jurisdiction’s authority. For India, the Gulf states, Brazil, Indonesia, and much of Africa, the question now echoes older debates over oil and telecommunications: can essential national functions continue if access to foreign frontier models is withdrawn? India’s path differs from China’s, which has both the scale and the political will to build a parallel stack. India’s nearer objective is narrower but no less strategic, ensuring that government systems, defense applications, and its own linguistic infrastructure run on models controlled by domestic institutions. Compute sovereignty is necessary but not sufficient. Model sovereignty is the layer that decides. More fundamentally, as artificial intelligence is territorialized, states are beginning to pursue what might be called intelligence sovereignty: the ability to generate, deploy, and govern advanced cognitive capabilities without relying on the discretionary decisions of foreign governments or firms. It is the natural endpoint of a logic that begins with chips and ends with cognition, and it will increasingly shape how middle powers think about alliances, procurement, and the architecture of their own states. Yet the lesson of June 12 is that once a model crosses a perceived strategic threshold, the laboratory’s safety case becomes secondary to raw state interest. The decisive actor is no longer the firm but the government, acting through authorities designed for weapons and dual-use machinery. Governance is migrating from the corporate boardroom to the foreign ministry. The arc is becoming legible. The first phase of the AI era, roughly 2022 to 2025, asked who could build the best model. The second, now opening, asks who controls access to it, through chip rules, cloud governance, and nationality-based limits. The third, later this decade, will ask who owns the intelligence

International Pakistan Security Terrorism United Kingdom World

131

Radical Islamist Rape Gangs Exposed!

Exposing grooming gangs is not an affront against Islam, highlighting crimes against vulnerable children is not a crime either. K.A.Badarinath Radical Islamist Pakistani origin mafia, the ill-famed ‘grooming gangs’ have got thoroughly exposed for their nefarious, rapacious, pervert and abusive sexual acts against vulnerable girls and women of non-muslim origin in United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, France and other parts of Europe. These gangs targeted all or any of non-muslim girls to befriend, rape, abuse, addict, inject them with drugs and manipulate in most inhuman ways that’s unheard in human history. These muslim gangs took over the cities, counties, colonies, communities across Europe beginning with United Kingdom. Neither the Tories nor the labour parties in United Kingdom weighed in the depth of this horrendous scandal that spread over last four decades. Both, legitimate and illegally immigrated radicalized Muslim gangs impregnated and sexually violated girls of all non-muslim origins, humiliated them, blackmailed and even subjugated them to modern slavery of a different variety. The institutional apathy towards this societal aggression having impact on socio-cultural and economic cohesion led to demands for a comprehensive probe into the ‘grooming gangs scandal’. On June 16, 2026, “The Rape Gang Inquiry” report running into over 218 pages was released to highlight the real face of radical islam that has impacted the British society like in several other countries. Restore Britain Member of Parliament Rupert Lowe spearheaded the campaign against these brutal gangs with no scruples. Over 250,000 girls and children have reportedly fallen prey to these grooming gangs operating with extreme perversion unseen in human behaviour. These radicalized muslim gangs out there to destroy children seem to have been commented upon in the report that also included several victims testimonies, recommendations to deal with these inhuman elements that perpetrated crimes on innocent and vulnerable girls. On the parallel, Baroness Anne Long field heading a high powered panel to probe the grooming gangs scandal is expected to submit her report by March 2029. Baroness Louise Casey has already undertaken a national audit of such sexual crimes and abuse of non-muslim women in UK. Grooming gangs of radicalized muslims was dashed off by some media outlets as ‘figment of imagination’ or an affront against Islam itself. These media organizations have got it all wrong. Calling spade a spade is not ‘anti-Islam’ or exposing extremist radical islam designs is not a crime whatsoever. Even in Bharat, these gangs have begun to wage ‘Love Jihad’ as a strategy against all non-muslims. Self-assigned messiahs of Islam and even Christians in Bharat did not realize the impact of the grooming gangs strategy till Europe woke up. These gangs roamed around as youngsters seeking love in the name of jihad or Islamic Holy War in Bharat. Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies calls upon global communities to unite against these grooming gangsters in all garbs and put an end to radical Islamic manipulation of demographics in several geographies. Societal organizations, institutions, academics, intellectuals and those in governance will have to take measured steps to reverse the rape gangs activities. On March 10, 2025, CIHS had published a well-researched blog titled “Grooming Gangs, Forced Conversions, and Sexual Jihad: Truth That The Quint Ignores”. This was in response to The Quint report which dismissed even the existence of any grooming gangs or the scandal itself. Self-styled defenders of Islam and paid media outlets refused to acknowledge this awful scandal unfolding right under our nose. The latest report of rape gangs systematically document the atrocities perpetuated by radical islamists against children as young as even eleven years. CIHS had highlighted similar concerns much earlier in its March 2025 report, “Grooming Gangs, Forced Conversions, and Sexual Jihad: Truth That The Quint Ignores”, examining patterns of exploitation, coercion, and forced conversions that mainstream narratives often overlooked. Read the earlier CIHS analysis here:https://cihs.blog/2025/03/10/grooming-gangs-forced-conversions-and-sexual-jihad-truth-that-the-quint-ignores/ (Author is a veteran journalist, Director & Chief Executive of non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies based in New Delhi)

Human Rights Kashmir Pakistan Terrorism War

203

Why Rawalakot Is Burning: Exploitation Dressed as Administration

Seven are dead and an internet blackout has fallen over the hills, but the protesters in Pakistan’s Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir have refused to go home. After seventy-nine years, the territory Islamabad occupied is deciding it will no longer be ruled. Rahul Pawa | X @imrahulpawa The bridge at Khaigala is not the sort of place where states are supposed to lose their grip. It is a modest crossing in a green fold of the Pir Panjal, the kind of spot a traveller passes without noticing. Yet this past weekend the air above Rawalakot filled with tear gas and gunfire. By the time it cleared, seven people were dead, four police personnel and three civilians, with around forty injured, and the people in the road did the one thing an occupier never expects. They stayed. Days before the strike was due, the Joint Awami Action Committee had already been outlawed, dozens arrested, and the internet throttled across the region. To understand why an agitation over flour and electricity has hardened into something Islamabad now answers with bullets, you have to go back to the original sin. In October 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession that made the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir part of India, the same legal document every other prince signed. Before the ink was dry, Pakistan had already sent tribal raiders and regular soldiers pouring across the western frontier. The invaders brought violence and occupation. In Mirpur, eyewitnesses recorded a massacre so complete that, by some accounts, the overwhelming majority of a town of twenty-five thousand was slaughtered over three days that November. Hundreds of thousands fled. The land those raiders seized and held when the guns fell silent in 1949 became what Pakistan euphemistically calls “Azad” Jammu and Kashmir . There is no azadi there. There never was. What there has been, for nearly eight decades, is exploitation dressed as administration. Consider the rivers. The gorges of this territory carry some of the richest hydropower potential in South Asia, and Pakistan has exploited them relentlessly.. The Mangla reservoir drowned the old town of Mirpur and displaced its people. Pakistan draws much of its electricity from these mountains, yet the power projects sit elsewhere, depriving the region of the royalties that are rightfully its own. The current flows down to the plains of Punjab. The dignity does not flow back up. It is precisely this absurdity, a people sitting in the dark while their rivers light other cities, that has driven crowds into the streets every year since. Then came the corridor. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor was sold as a forty-billion-dollar dream, and for the Pakistan’s occupied territories it has been something closer to a second occupation. Ancestral land in Gilgit-Baltistan has been acquired forcibly, without consent or fair compensation, by the provincial government and the Pakistan army. The promised jobs evaporated as Chinese workers arrived to fill them, leaving locals dejected and shut out of the very projects carved through their valleys. Those who dare protest the corridor are booked under anti-terrorism laws and branded anti-state elements. The banks of the world lend against this land; its people are not invited to the counting house. The cost of that closeness with Beijing has reached into the region’s homes. Hundreds of men from Gilgit-Baltistan married Uyghur women from neighbouring Xinjiang, and since 2017 those wives have been swept into China’s mass detention camps, leaving husbands and children stranded on the wrong side of the Khunjerab pass. The Gilgit-Baltistan assembly passed a unanimous resolution demanding their release; the families have protested through sub-zero winters; Islamabad, unwilling to disturb its benefactor, has done effectively nothing. An occupier that will not lift a finger to bring home its subjects’ own wives and mothers has told them precisely where they stand. Nowhere was that indifference starker than in the spring of 2020. As the Wuhan-epicentre pandemic climbed into the mountains, activists described a public-health system that existed mostly on paper. Gilgit-Baltistan, they reported, had two ageing ventilators for a region of millions and had received no meaningful medical aid from Islamabad, even as the same government broke ground on the fourteen-billion-dollar Diamer-Bhasha dam. Hospitals functioned as little more than referral desks, dispatching the seriously ill down the highway to Rawalpindi to fend for themselves. A land rich enough to power a country was not worth two machines that breathe. The people have had enough. The Joint Awami Action Committee, born in 2023 from traders, lawyers, labourers and transporters, learned in 2024 and 2025 they have to voice their rights. But the demand that frightens Rawalpindi was never about groceries. It is the abolition of twelve seats in the local assembly reserved for refugees who settled in mainland Pakistan after 1947, seats the committee says mainstream Pakistani parties use to install governments in Muzaffarabad. Strip away the procedural language and the message is plain: stop rigging the house. On Sunday, 7 June, the territory’s Supreme Court ruled that those seats enjoy constitutional protection and can be altered only by amendment, dealing a blow to the movement that had been pushing against them. And so this weekend the state answered the way it always has here, with proscription, arrests, a blackout and live rounds. This is not a problem Pakistan can solve. What is failing is slower and more fatal: consent. An occupation can outlast oppressive deeds; it cannot outlast the people it claims to govern deciding, town by town, that they were never asked and no longer agree. When British MPs are rising in their own parliament to flag a communications blackout, fielding messages from constituents who cannot reach their families in the region, the cost of holding this land has begun to outrun the reason for holding it. Jinnah’s two-nation theory was an argument for Pakistan. It was never an argument for these territories Pakistan occupied with raiders and regulars, for they belonged to a state that had lawfully acceded to India before the invasion

Bharat Environment

151

Victory to Mother Nature: Bharatiya Way and the Crisis of the Earth

By N. C. Bipindra As World Environment Day is observed on June 5, it is worth pausing to ask a fundamental question: why is the world scrambling to rediscover what Bharat (India) has always known? While the United Nations frames environmental protection as an urgent modern challenge, the civilisation that has flourished on the banks of the Sindhu, Ganga, Yamuna, Kaveri and Saraswati has regarded the Earth not as a resource to be extracted but as a living mother to be honoured. Sanskrit invocation Mata Bhoomi Putro Aham Prithivyah (The Earth is my mother, and I am her son) from the Atharva Veda is not a poetic metaphor. It is a way of life. Nature as the Sacred: The Scriptural Foundation Hindu Dharma has embedded environmental consciousness into the very architecture of daily living. Puranas personify every river as a goddess, every forest as an abode of divinity, and every animal as either a vahana of a deity or a manifestation of Brahman itself. Bhagavata Purana speaks of Prakriti (Mother Nature) as the manifest form of the divine feminine, deserving reverence and protection. Arthashastra of Kautilya, written over two millennia ago, laid down detailed regulations for forest conservation, protection of wildlife, and management of water bodies. The concept of Panchabhuta, the five elements of earth, water, fire, air and ether, is not an abstract philosophy but a lived framework that reminds every Bharatiya (Indian) that the human body and the cosmos are composed of the same sacred matter. The tradition of sacred groves, known as Dev Vans, spread across Bharat from Rajasthan’s orans to the sacred forests of Kerala and the jaheras of Jharkhand, long predating any modern conservation legislation. Every neem tree, every peepal, every tulsi plant carries spiritual significance, and this significance was the original and most effective form of ecological protection. The river was not merely a water source; she was the Mother and to pollute her was not merely an environmental offence but a sacrilege. Bharatiya Lifestyle as Ecological Practice The daily routine prescribed by the Shastras (the Dinacharya) is, in ecological terms, an extraordinarily low-footprint way of living. Early rising in tune with natural light cycles, minimal consumption, food governed by the seasons, zero-waste cooking using every part of a vegetable, the use of clay pots for water and community sharing of resources were not marks of poverty. These were expressions of a profound understanding that the Earth’s bounty is finite and must be returned to, not merely extracted from. The Paryavaran Gatividhi (Environmental Action) of the world’s largest volunteer organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has given this ancient wisdom an organised and modern expression in recent years. Inspired by the Bharatiya outlook of the RSS, the Ek Thaila, Ek Thali (One Bag, One Plate) campaign, launched during the Prayagraj Maha Kumbh 2025, aimed to make the largest human gathering on earth plastic-free and eco-friendly by promoting the use of steel plates and cloth bags as alternatives to single-use plastics. The results were not symbolic gestures. According to the RSS Annual Report 2024–25, usage of disposable items was reduced by 80% to 85%, and it is estimated that INR 3.5 crore (INR 35 million) was saved per day through this zero-budget community initiative alone. The experiment had been tested earlier: the use of pattals (plates made from leaves) was first successfully implemented during the Haridwar Kumbh in 2020, replacing single-use plastic plates entirely. The Paryavaran Sanrakshan Gatividhi (Environment Preservation Action), inspired by the RSS, recently led a cleanliness and awareness campaign across eleven ghats of the Yamuna in Delhi, with people volunteering on their own initiative and not through official summons or advertisements. The campaign carries a powerful civilisational message: that environmental protection is not the responsibility of the state alone, but a collective, community-rooted and spiritually motivated act. RSS’s Panch Parivartan (Five Reforms) programme for its centenary year identifies Paryavaran (environmental awareness) as one of five key pillars of social transformation, alongside social harmony, family strengthening, the insistence on Swa (selfhood) and civic duty. This is not environmentalism borrowed from Western discourse. This is Dharma, the eternal righteousness, in action. What the modern West discovered through ecological catastrophe, that nature has limits, that extraction has consequences, that the human being is not the measure of all things, the Dharmic traditions held as first principles, inscribed in ritual, in seasonal worship, in the very grammar of how a farmer addressed the earth before breaking it. They were articulating a cosmological fact: that the human being is not a sovereign individual standing apart from nature, but a thread woven into a living, breathing whole. Contrast with the Western World It is here that the starkest moral and political contradiction of our times must be named without hesitation. Britain, the United States, Germany, France and the broader Western bloc consumed the world’s carbon budget over two centuries of industrialisation. These nations built their wealth by relentlessly burning fossil fuels, destroying forests, polluting rivers and colonising the natural resources of the very Global South they now lecture about “sustainable development.” The Industrial Revolution was not an act of ecological innocence; it was a civilisational choice to prioritise profit over Prakriti (the primordial creative energy, or nature) and the entire planet is now paying for it. The principle of “Common but Differentiated Responsibilities,” the acknowledgement that countries that have polluted for far longer than others must free up carbon space for poorer nations to develop, has been broadly agreed upon for decades. Yet hard commitment and investment have been consistently lacking from richer countries. The promise by rich countries to support developing nations with annual financial transfers of US$100 billion annually for climate action, which was supposed to begin in 2020, became a glaring failure, a broken pledge that has undermined global trust. Developing countries’ climate commitments are explicitly conditional on receiving not only funding but also clean technology from those richer states that will enable them to decarbonise, yet technology transfer remains an unfulfilled promise. At COP29, the new climate finance goal agreed upon, US$300 billion annually by 2035, still falls far short of what

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