CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Mohan Bhagwat in West: Challenging Preconceived Narratives

Dr Gautam Kumar Jha Mohan Bhagwat’s recent journey through United States, Canada and United Kingdom came at a time when Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has completed a century of existence and continues to evoke sharply contrasting perceptions, particularly outside India. For its supporters, RSS represents cultural nationalism, social service and civilisational continuity. For many of its critics within and outside, however, RSS is viewed through the prism of majoritarianism and religious exclusion. These differing perceptions were distinctly visible during the tour. His appearances in United States attracted protests and renewed criticism of RSS, including allegations concerning religious freedom. RSS rejects such characterisations while Indian government also contested broader international assessments that it considers selective or prejudiced. Against this backdrop, Bhagwat’s three-nation tour offered an opportunity for direct engagement and conversation. It did not, and could not, settle every controversy surrounding RSS. What it did was allow international audiences to hear its chief articulate the organisation’s position on questions that have generated sustained debate: Hindu identity, Muslims in India, religious diversity, the Indian diaspora, civic loyalty and the RSS’s understanding of humanity itself. Pluralism versus Unity in Diversity One of the most interesting features of Bhagwat’s American engagements was the connect he drew between two apparently different political and civilisational experiences. United States, he observed, frequently speaks of pluralism while India speaks of unity in diversity. For Bhagwat, diversity and unity are not contradictory: diversity is a natural expression of human society, while an underlying unity binds people together. At Madison Square Garden in New York, addressing Universal Oneness gathering, he argued that India’s larger responsibility was to demonstrate that unity and diversity could coexist, not merely through preaching, but through practice. India is extraordinarily diverse in language, religion, ethnicity, food, customs and regional identities. Any conception of Indian nationhood that ignores these differences would therefore be incomplete. Bhagwat instead described diversity as a decoration of an underlying unity and argued that it must be accepted, respected and protected. More significantly, he extended the principle beyond protecting one’s own identity: just as individuals seek to preserve their own identities, he argued, they must recognise and protect others’ identities. This provides an important counterpoint to binary interpretations of cultural nationalism in which the assertion of one identity necessarily requires the suppression of another. Muslim Question, Challenging Perceptions One of the most consequential parts of Bhagwat’s American visit concerned a question that has long surrounded discussions about RSS: the place of Muslims within its conception of Bharat. In New York, Bhagwat addressed the issue in categorical terms, arguing that a Hindu who believes there should be no Muslims in Bharat contradicts the very idea of being Hindu. He linked this position to recognition of different paths towards the same ultimate truth and to respect for the dignity of every human being. The visit, therefore, placed a clearer version of Bhagwat’s stated position before an international audience. His conception of Hindu identity, as articulated during the tour, was not based on uniformity of race, religion or creed, but on an idea of civilisational belonging capable of accommodating different religious paths. A particularly interesting response came from an American Christian commentator who said that the controversy surrounding Bhagwat’s visit prompted him to investigate RSS and listen repeatedly to Bhagwat’s speeches. Explicitly identifying himself as a Christian rather than a Hindu, he remarked that much of Bhagwat’s message resonated with values he recognised in his own faith. One commentator cannot represent American opinion. His reaction is nevertheless useful because it demonstrates what direct communication can accomplish. Strong cultural or emotional ties to an ancestral homeland can sometimes raise questions about loyalty to country of citizenship or residence, and Bhagwat addressed this by distinguishing between janmabhoomi and karmabhoomi. He argued that the country where members of diaspora live, work and build their lives is their karmabhoomi and therefore entails civic obligations. Affection for India as janmabhoomi should not come at the expense of responsibilities towards the society in which they live. This presents diaspora not as a population divided between two loyalties, but as a bridge capable of retaining civilisational and emotional connections with India while participating fully in another national community. Over centuries, Indian diaspora has played a crucial role in nation-building and development of countries where they settled. At the same time, many have remained connected to Bharat through what may be described as an enduring cultural umbilical cord. These people-to-people connections have therefore become an important dimension of India’s relations with Western countries. Political relations may fluctuate, governments and priorities may change, but diaspora communities, educational networks, businesses, families and cultural associations often provide a deeper sense of continuity. New York to Toronto: Vishwa Bandhu Bhagwat carried the same broad message to Canada. His visit culminated in the Hindu Vishwa Bandhu programme in Toronto where the emphasis remained on Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the world as one family, and on respecting each other rather than erasing diversity. He made distinction between Vishwa guru and Maha shakti, arguing that India’s aspirations should not be understood merely in terms of becoming a conventional superpower. Instead, he associated India’s historical influence with knowledge, service and a civilisational concern for humanity. In this understanding, national resurgence need not mean domination over others. Rather, India’s rise should contribute to a more united world, where civilisational confidence goes together with coexistence, respect for diversity and concern for human well-being. Toronto to London: Celebration of Oneness Final leg of Bhagwat’s journey took him to London during September 2-7, 2026. British programme broadened the tour from diaspora outreach to a more explicit civilisational and interfaith dialogue. Bhagwat met faith leaders, academics, researchers and other public figures and visited religious institutions including the Shree Swaminarayan Mandir in Willesden and the Khalsa Jatha British Isles Gurdwara. The programme culminated in the ‘Celebrate Oneness’ interaction in London on 6 September, attended by more than 600 participants representing 326 organisations. Echoing his ‘universal oneness’ message in America, Bhagwat explained that diversity should be understood in relation to

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India and the Next BRICS: Turning Diversity into Strategic Influence 

Sankalp Singh Chauhan India’s historic BRICS Presidency comes at a defining moment for the global order. Its challenge is not to build another bloc, but to make a more diverse world capable of working together. What began as BRIC, Brazil, Russia, India and China, formally came together at its first summit in Yekaterinburg in 2009, transformed it into BRICS after South Africa’s inclusion. For more than a decade the five-country grouping steadily developed cooperation in finance, development and global governance. The major expansion of 2024 brought Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates into the fold, while Indonesia joined in 2025, taking BRICS to 11 full members. India now assumes the chair at a particularly consequential moment: the grouping has evolved from a compact association of emerging economies into a much broader platform representing a significant voice of the Global South. The world itself is entering an era of profound geopolitical and economic realignment. Wars and conflicts, supply-chain disruptions, economic uncertainty, technological competition and growing dissatisfaction with existing multilateral institutions are reshaping the international system. Against this backdrop, India’s 2026 Presidency is not merely another turn in the rotational calendar; it is an opportunity to shape what the expanded BRICS becomes next. With 11 full members, Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Indonesia, BRICS now has considerably greater geopolitical and economic weight. Its influence is further widened by 10 partner countries viz., Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda, Uzbekistan and Vietnam. This expansion gives BRICS greater reach, but also a harder task: how can countries with different political systems, economic interests and strategic priorities translate diversity into cooperation? That is where India can make a distinctive contribution.  From Expansion to Delivery:  India’s presidency has an opportunity to move BRICS beyond declarations and towards practical cooperation. The priorities are clear: trade and investment, resilient supply chains, energy and food security, health, climate action, digital public infrastructure, technology, connectivity and reform of global institutions. The test will be whether these priorities produce institutions and mechanisms that citizens and businesses can actually use. India’s experience with digital public infrastructure offers an important model. Greater interoperability of digital payment systems, cross-border transactions and financial technology could lower transaction costs and strengthen economic ties across the Global South. The ambition should be neither isolation from the West nor confrontation with it. It should be strategic autonomy combined with inclusive multilateralism.  The Currency Question: Few ideas surrounding BRICS attract as much attention as the possibility of a BRICS currency. Yet credibility requires distinguishing aspiration from reality. A common currency is not an established BRICS policy. The more immediate and practical path is the expansion of local-currency trade, payment-system interoperability and alternative cross-border financial mechanisms. Over time, these could evolve into a broader financial architecture, including a possible common unit of account or other settlement mechanism, without requiring an immediate monetary union. The objective is therefore not simply “de-dollarisation.” It is to create more choice, resilience and efficiency in international finance. BRICS as an Innovation Platform: The next phase of BRICS should also be defined by technological cooperation. Artificial intelligence, semiconductors, biotechnology, quantum technologies, space, clean energy, agricultural technology and digital commerce offer areas where emerging economies can move from being technology consumers to technology creators. A BRICS innovation ecosystem, supported by research partnerships, start-up networks, technology funds and easier movement of knowledge and capital, could become one of the grouping’s most consequential long-term projects.  Equally important are areas of human security: affordable healthcare, food security, climate resilience, disaster management and sustainable infrastructure. A Wider Global South: The expansion of BRICS has made its relationship with the wider developing world increasingly important. Partner countries and BRICS Plus outreach can give smaller and emerging economies a greater voice without requiring every country to become a full member. This broader architecture could become one of BRICS’s greatest strengths, provided expansion does not overwhelm decision-making. India’s diplomatic challenge is therefore to build consensus without sacrificing ambition.  What Success Should Look Like: The success of India’s Presidency should ultimately be judged not by the number of declarations issued, but by what changes after the summit.  First, BRICS should deliver measurable progress in trade and investment, including easier market access, stronger supply-chain resilience, greater MSME participation and mechanisms that make South-South commerce faster and less costly.  Second, it should advance a genuinely connected digital and financial architecture. Interoperable payment systems, greater use of national currencies and more efficient cross-border settlements could provide an immediate, practical foundation for deeper financial cooperation.  Third, success should mean tangible cooperation in energy, food, health and climate security. In a world vulnerable to energy shocks, food disruptions, pandemics and extreme weather, these are not peripheral development issues; they are questions of global stability.  Fourth, BRICS should create an innovation and technology agenda capable of connecting universities, researchers, entrepreneurs and industries across member and partner countries. Cooperation in AI, semiconductors, biotechnology, quantum technology, space and clean energy could determine whether the Global South becomes merely a larger market or a major source of future innovation. Finally, India’s Presidency should strengthen the voice of developing countries in global governance. Reform of institutions such as the United Nations, IMF and World Bank should aim at greater representation, legitimacy and responsiveness, not at replacing one hierarchy with another.  Perhaps the most important measure of success will be whether BRICS can demonstrate that geopolitical diversity does not have to produce institutional paralysis. Can countries with competing strategic interests still cooperate on issues of common interest? Can BRICS remain economically ambitious without becoming an anti-Western alliance? Can its expanded membership create wider representation without diluting effectiveness? And can India preserve its role as a bridge between competing centres of power? If the answer is yes, BRICS could move from being primarily a grouping of emerging economies to becoming a credible platform for a more balanced international system. India’s role will be central to that transition. India has

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Going Beyond Government!

Broad civic engagement as part of RSS transformative agenda draws heavily from Bharat’s ancient ethos to build a modern society. Vinod Kumar Shukla Foundational philosophy of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) posits that Vyakti Nirman (individual / personality development), coupled with Charitra Nirman (character building) and Samaj Nirman (social development) naturally culminates to Rashtra Nirman (nation-building). These core tenets have guided the organization since its inception. This enduring commitment stems from a deeply held conviction that true societal progress requires awakening citizens to their fundamental duties toward society and nation for greater collective good. By systematically undertaking symbiotic tasks of Vyakti Nirman and Charitra Nirman, RSS facilitates a widespread consciousness of Nagrik Kartavya (civic duty). This emphasis forms one of the five essential pillars of social transformation, collectively termed Panch Parivartan, introduced by RSS as part of its centennial agenda. These five transformative imperatives comprise Samajik Samrasta (social harmony), Kutumb Prabodhan (family enlightenment), Paryavaran Sanrakshan (environmental conservation), Nagrik Kartavya (civic duties) and Swa or Swadeshi (self-reliance). Through this framework, RSS endeavours to construct a disciplined, self-reliant and ethically grounded society that redounds to benefit of all citizens. Core principles of civic duty advocated within this vision encompass full compliance with law of the land, alongside a concerted effort to encourage citizens, particularly the younger generation, to study and comprehend Constitution of India, its Preamble, and its Fundamental Duties. Civic responsibility manifests in maintaining cleanliness in shared public spaces, curbing unnecessary noise pollution and upholding decorum in public conduct. It further demands exercising restraint and dignity in public discourse, practicing personal discretion in everyday actions, honouring elders while mentoring younger generations, prioritizing national interests and civic obligations over individual privileges and consistently conserving precious resources like water to uphold civic order across public life. In contrast to predominantly materialistic Western paradigms, traditional Indian society remains inherently value-based, with ancient Indian scriptures consistently elevating duty (Kartavya) above rights. From foundational wisdom of Vedas to comprehensive codes of Dharmasutras and diverse philosophical treatises, classical Indian literature prescribes detailed guidelines for social conduct. These texts established explicit norms for civic behaviour and codified specific penalties and fines for non-compliance. A prime illustration is found in Chanakya’s Arthashastra, a treatise written approximately 2,400 years ago. In Book II, Chapter XXXVI, Chanakya stipulates: “Whoever throws dirt in the street shall be punished with a fine of 1/8th of a pana; whoever causes mire or water to collect in the street shall be fined 1/4th of a pana; whoever commits the above offences in the king’s road (rajmarga) shall be punished with double the above fine.” This exhaustive chapter outlines rights, responsibilities, and civic obligations binding common citizens, skilled professionals, and state officials alike. Consequently, concept of a structured societal order is deeply rooted in Bharat’s ancient heritage and has been practiced throughout its history. However, as unbridled materialism and consumerism assume dominance in modern life, moral ethics, traditional values, and personal duty often recede into background. In such a climate, written statutes and constitutional frameworks become necessary instruments to delineate fundamental rights and duties, causing external rule of law to supplant internal moral regulation. Yet, if every citizen conscientiously fulfils their intrinsic duties, the transformation will extend far beyond individual lives to enrich the broader social fabric and enhance national pride. Furthermore, widespread self-regulation inevitably alleviates the heavy strain placed upon overburdened law enforcement agencies and judicial systems. When citizens proactively fulfil their civic responsibilities, state intervention is minimized. Meaningful improvement in the public sphere often hinges upon adherence to relatively simple, everyday habits. Consider, for instance, water conservation. Although Earth is designated as ” Blue Planet ” because water covers approximately 71 per cent of its surface, nearly 97 per cent of that volume consists of saline ocean water. Of the remaining three percent of global freshwater, less than one percent is readily accessible for human consumption. While certain regions of Bharat enjoy an abundance of potable water, this availability should never be treated as license for waste. In practice, however, squandering water remains widespread; thus, water conservation directly correlates with sustaining life. Curbing waste and cultivating active water preservation must be recognized as essential civic obligations. Similarly, energy security represents a crucial global concern, particularly for developing and underdeveloped nations. Rationalizing energy consumption, spanning petroleum products to electrical power, helps preserve foreign exchange reserves, protects the natural environment, and mitigates financial strain on individual households. Addressing energy waste requires fundamental behavioural adjustments. It is common to observe individuals conversing by the roadside with vehicle engines idling, or leaving air conditioners, lighting, and electrical appliances operating in vacant homes and offices where they serve no purpose whatsoever. Related challenges manifest daily on the roads, where responsible driving is vital to ensuring safe transit for everyone. Hundreds of thousands of lives are lost annually in road accidents due to widespread disregard for traffic regulations, a tragedy that could be dramatically curtailed through a heightened sense of civic compliance. Across society, everyday infractions abound: drinking water is mindlessly squandered to wash vehicles and clean floors, traffic laws are flagrantly flouted whenever law enforcement is absent, tax evasion is routinely sought, taxpayer-funded public property is vandalized by anti-social elements, protesters, and addicts, and food is carelessly wasted at immense scale. Enacting ever-more stringent legislation cannot solve these challenges alone; real progress depends upon cultivating an internal ethical consciousness within the general citizenry. Civic duty equally encompasses a citizen’s democratic obligation to participate actively in elections across all tiers of governance. In this realm, the efforts of RSS to boost voter turnout across various electoral cycles have been noteworthy, serving to significantly complement official government initiatives. Swayamsevaks actively engage in voter awareness drives, urging citizens to exercise their franchise while providing practical assistance, such as helping elderly and infirm voters reach polling booths, thereby setting a powerful example of civic engagement for the younger generation. These persistent lapses highlight areas where citizens of Bharat are frequently criticized for a perceived deficit in civic sense, a quality indispensable for societal

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Brief: RSS for Universal Oneness

Between 25 August and 7 September 2026, in the closing weeks of its centenary year, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh carried a hundred years of experience to three countries. Dr. Mohan Bhagwat, its Sarsanghchalak, addressed an interfaith summit and the Universal Oneness Celebration at Madison Square Garden in New York, delivered the keynote at Hindu Vishwa Bandhu in Toronto, and closed the visit at a Celebration of Oneness in London. In each setting, one recognition held: that truth is one though human beings describe it differently, that diversity is the natural expression of an underlying unity rather than its contradiction, and that service is owed to the whole rather than to those who share one’s own identity. He told faith leaders that dialogue and service must proceed together. He told the diaspora that loyalty to the land they live in comes first, and that what they carry from Bharat is meant to be lived rather than merely remembered. He told a room in London, in his own words, that we should give our emphasis to what unites us rather than what divides us. This brief documents those engagements in full, drawing on primary transcripts, official releases and the addresses as delivered. Download it here.

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Four Hyperlinks, One Demand: Ban a Century-Old Hindu Movement

Fact-Checking claims behind a letter for banning RSS and bar Dr. Mohan Bhagwat from Canada. Rohan Giri Read the McPherson-Kwan letter once, quickly, and it sounds urgent. Read it twice, slowly, and a different question starts to form. Two sitting Members of Parliament are asking three cabinet ministers to ban an 89,000-branch (Shakha) civic organization and personally exclude its 76-year-old spiritual head Dr. Mohan Bhagwat from Canadian soil. What did they attach to justify that? Four hyperlinks and the word “fascist,” used as though repetition were an argument. That gap, between the size of the demand and the size of the proof offered for it, is the actual story here. Walk through it claim by claim and the gap doesn’t close. It widens. An Adjective Standing in for an Argument The letter’s opening sentence calls the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) a “fascist paramilitary organization.” It never returns to prove that claim. It doesn’t need to, because the sentence is doing the job a paragraph of evidence should be doing. Here is what the RSS actually is, as a matter of public record. Founded in Bharat’s western state Maharashtra’s Nagpur in 1925 as a voluntary community service organization. Structured today as a cultural movement with elected office bearers, answering upward through district and provincial layers to a national council of roughly 1,400 representatives who review its functioning. It runs daily neighbourhood gatherings called Shakha, disaster relief programs, and education initiatives. That is the architecture of a civic cultural movement. Calling it a paramilitary force doesn’t make it one, any more than calling Canada’s elected government a “regime” turns Parliament into a junta. Both moves borrow the vocabulary of atrocity and hope nobody asks for the receipts. The Terrorist List That Already Exists, and Doesn’t Include the RSS The letter accuses Dr. Mohan Bhagwat’s association with “listed terrorist organizations,” plural, unnamed. Canada actually publishes this list. It names Hamas, Hezbollah, ISIS, al-Qaida. It also names Babbar Khalsa International and the International Sikh Youth Federation, two terrorist groups whose Canadian file is not a matter of dispute. Public Safety Canada’s own description of the ISYF states it was responsible for a number of bombings, assassinations and kidnappings targeting Hindus, moderate Sikhs, and Indian government officials, working in coordination with BKI. BKI is the organization tied to the 1985 Air India Flight 182 bombing, which killed 329 people, 268 of them Canadian citizens. The RSS appears on this list zero times. Not once, in any form, under any name. So when a letter demanding a fresh terrorist listing invokes “listed terrorist organizations” as though the target already qualifies, it is worth asking a plain question. Which organizations actually sit on that list. And why does a letter about protecting Canadians from terrorism manage to avoid naming either group Canada has formally designated as one. The vocabulary and terminology used are conventional progressive-Islamist talking points i.e., “fascist paramilitary,” “Hindutva extremism,” “genocidal rhetoric,” and “transnational repression.” There is no comparable urgency applied to actual Khalistani terrorist networks that have murdered Canadians, or to Islamist terrorism pipelines working within Canada. One Word Carrying an Entire Accusation The letter’s most severe assertion is also the most cautiously worded. Which is Nijjar’s killing. Before I get into their claims, let me tell you that Hardip Singh Nijjar was proscribed as a terrorist by Indian intelligence officials in 2020. As per official report he was top operative of the Khalistan Tiger Force (KTF) and was the mastermind behind a separate 2007 cinema bombing in Punjab, Bharat. Now, returning to their allegations, it says, in Nijjar’s killing, “reportedly” involved senior BJP leadership connected to the RSS. Read that sentence again. The whole accusation rests on a single adverb. Canada’s own Foreign Interference Commission ran a formal public inquiry with subpoena power into exactly this territory. Its final conclusion on a state link to the killing was that no definitive link to a foreign state could be proven. The men actually charged in the killing are alleged to belong to a criminal network. Not the RSS. Taking “reportedly,” running it through a finding that falls well short of the accusation, and landing on a demand to ban an organization and its members nationwide isn’t caution. It’s laundering. A Citation That Doesn’t Say What It’s Cited For The letter invokes “United Nations Human Rights experts” who supposedly called on Canada to protect Sikh Canadians from RSS threats. The actual conversation concerned threats received by a specific individual Bhai Moninder Singh, a Khalistan supporter and national spokesperson for ‘Sikh Federation Canada,’ who is also an associate of Nijjar. This was issued weeks before the letter, and on the public record does not name the RSS as the source of those threats. If the primary text says otherwise, publish it. Citing a document nobody has quoted the relevant line from is not evidence. It’s a hyperlink doing cosplay as a finding. The same problem sits under the letter’s claim about “considerable evidence of the RSS’s sphere of influence in Canada,” footnoted to a single advocacy report, not a CSIS assessment, not an RCMP finding, not a threat bulletin. Advocacy groups are entitled to publish advocacy. What two MPs are not entitled to do is attach the phrase “Canadian security officials know” to someone else’s campaign document. The Visits Where Nothing Happened The letter warns that Bhagwat’s presence “could lead to social disorder.” This is a testable claim, because Bhagwat has already made this exact trip, repeatedly, to countries with no shortage of scrutiny or free press to report what happened. He addressed a gathering in the United Kingdom in 2016. He addressed the World Hindu Congress in Chicago in 2018, in front of roughly 2,500 delegates. He delivered the inaugural address at the 2023 World Hindu Congress in Bangkok. None of these produced the disorder the letter predicts for Canada. His most reported domestic engagement with a minority community, a 2022 visit to a New Delhi mosque and madrasa, involved him meeting the chief

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RSS Chief Sides with Gen Z, Alpha

Were Jantar Mantar protests peaceful to trigger dialogue in spirit of ‘reasoned debate’ to forge consensus on education reforms? K.A. Badarinath Bharat’s youth who fall under 35-years age bracket total to over 800 million. Only a few thousands of these youngsters joined Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) led Jantar Mantar protests on NEET paper leak last month. Genuine students, irrespective of their ideological moorings, that sought educational reforms, corrective measures against paper leaks may not be treated as ‘anti-national’. And, they have the right to protest, take to streets in a peaceful formation or even get loud. Protests are one way of leading to consensus on core education issues in a large diverse democracy like India that’s on path to constant reform. In a democratic polity like India’s, protests are perfectly fine. Even this instrument of protests has to be used with lots of wisdom and responsibility in forging consensus on reforming education system that may have fallen short of student’s expectations and aspirations of youth. This seems to be tone and tenor with which Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Dr Mohan Bhagwat for the first time articulated the organization’s position on recent protests in New Delhi while interacting with thousands of Gen Z and Gen Alpha at an event in Mumbai on Thursday. The 49-days protests were however not entirely peaceful as envisioned by Bharat’s Constitutional visionary Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar in several of his writings. RSS chief made a specific reference to Dr Ambedkar’s line on peaceful protests in his public interaction with youth. Ambedkar held peaceful protests on several occasions unlike violence, hooliganism and stone pelting witnessed in recent Jantar Mantar protests infiltrated by rowdy sheeters, drug peddlers, rapists and criminals. Dr Ambedkar had led thousands of people in 1927 against caste-based discrimination in accessing drinking water from wells. This protest is easily seen as one of the most unique and popular as ‘Mahad Satyagraha.” Kalaram Temple entry satyagraha in 1930 was yet another peaceful movement that was held under leadership of Dr B.R. Ambedkar seeking end to untouchability of low caste Hindus. Ambedkar sought equal rights to temple entry in Nashik as an issue of ‘fundamental human dignity’. In a speech on November 25,1949, Dr Ambedkar had argued stringently against unconstitutional methods and disruptions terming them as ‘grammar of anarchy’. In fact, Dr Ambedkar wanted communities, citizens groups and stakeholders to take recourse to constitutional means like Parliament and elections for seeking redress to their issues. When Dr Bhagwat referred to Ambedkar’s line on peaceful protests, not many would have gauged the context and its significance. RSS chief’s messaging seems to be crystal clear. There’s no place for violence unlike what happened during the CJP protests. Culture of reasoned debate in Bharat was highlighted by the RSS chief in the context of protests held by students. Well, did the protestors trigger a reasonable debate on their issues? It’s a big question. Second big rider pointed to by Dr Mohan Bhagwat was that protests should not lead to divisions in the society or bring about divisiveness. But, did the Jantar Mantar protests pass this test? Well no. Only some genuinely concerned students and their families were there seeking changes in education system. But then, anti-social elements took control of narratives as well as the dais at Jantar Mantar. Stone pelting was resorted to by anti-social elements akin to what we had witnessed in Kashmir valley terrorists backed street incidents. Students’ issues took a back seat. Instead, protests got politicised with several opposition parties jumping in lending an anti-Modi twist to the protests. Left extremists who joined the protests claiming to be heirs of Dr Ambedkar were in fact seeking relevance as their guerilla war waged against democratic institutions got wiped out. In fact, the RSS chief brought the conversation back on issues that mean a lot to students and youth. Dr Mohan Bhagwat pushed for setting aside six per cent of GDP for education making it affordable and accessible to all. RSS has also argued against commercialization of educational institutions as avenues for profiteering at the cost of students and youth. At the same time, RSS chief has pin pointed to ‘collective responsibility’ of entire Indian society for taking education to all and not leaving it in exclusive domain of government. So, bringing meaningful debate on education engaging students and youth as big stakeholders may be the way forward. (Author is Director & Chief Executive of Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies and a veteran newsman)

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Scientific Deconstruct of Cockroaches

Jantar Mantar protests were never just about students. Foreign-funded NGOs, radical Islamists, Maoists, criminals and church, gave a lethal twist to the campaign. K.A. Badarinath A scientific deconstruction of what Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) and its 49-days violence ridden protests at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi warrants looking beyond the ordinary. Neither the protests were simply about leak of papers relating to national examinations for admitting students to top medical colleges nor were they instant outpour of students anger against the system alone. Possibly there were a couple of thousands of students and their parents that were genuinely agitated about leak of entrance exams papers. A big chunk of the protestors was with questionable background or their intent needs closer scrutiny. Resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was demanded and achieved. What next is the lingering question that haunts a lot number of gentry. Will Pradhan’s exit from the council of ministers solve the issues relating to education sector? If one were to go by media reports there were over 46 such leaks in states and centre pre-2014 before this government took charge of Bharat’s affairs. Has resignation of education ministers of these states or at centre been demanded? Was the ‘education mafia’ tackled then is the moot question? Some reports suggest that cleanup of education system undertaken by this government was to be side-stepped and hence the cockroaches demanded his resignation. One report suggested that even change of portfolio was not acceptable to agitators who held the capital to ransom as hooligans took over the streets. Gridlock aside, who are these cockroaches that ratcheted up big time following on the insta and other social media handles that pushed the envelope? A big section of bureaucracy and political leadership is so much overwhelmed that they are not even willing to look at facts and begin the pushback. A Delhi Police analysis based on its Crime Kundli database and face recognition technology, over 2873 individuals with criminal background ‘infiltrated’ or took over the students protest that swelled to about 20,000 at its peak. Murder, robbery, dacoity, crime against women, drug peddling those with heinous criminal background were zeroed upon in their first set analysis. Illegal arms peddlers, chain snatchers and kidnappers also made their way into the protests that were marked by huge attacks on the Delhi Police force. Antagonists of Delhi Police did not waste time to question the database and its findings. They were out to claim that Delhi Police was attempting to paint the cockroaches protest black. As Delhi’s veteran crime reporters would vouch, this database is one of the most scientifically built assets to tackle crime in the national capital. It has not been created to denigrate two months old cockroaches born out of a satirical statement made by Honourable Chief Justice of India, founded and allegedly funded by foreign powers that be. How did so many crime-sheeters make it to the protest? Who mobilized them? There’s no plausible answer as of now. And now, they have the gumption to question the very authority of Supreme Court of India on proceeding against criminals linked to protests. Social media is awash with reports that Malayali businessman Mohammed Shaji of Dubai based Abreco Freight flew 23 of his employees to participate in the Cockroaches protest spending thousands of dollars. Big question is what’s the link between the two sides. Shaji reportedly facing issues with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government covered all expenses for these employees and even provided some extra incentives to motivate their participation in this protest. Has anyone cared to find out the international linkages of these cockroaches? Has deep dive analysis been made into lethal twist given to cockroaches’ protest at Jantar Mantar by Bhim Army and its chief Chandrashekhar Azad? The Nagina member of parliament not only extended his support to the Abhijit Dipke led CJP but actively fore-fronted the sit-in within and outside the Parliament premises. An elected Member of Parliament wedded to a certain ideology has full freedom to do what he did. He reportedly mobilized people on the ground, gave violent edge to the protesters who repeatedly claimed it was ‘peaceful and violence free’. There was nothing peaceful about the protests whatsoever. Bhim Party that was born out of divisive ideological moorings and sectarian agenda did its bit to lend numbers, logistical support and even partly funded the campaign that largely metamorphosed into one against Modi government, Bharat and RSS. Azad who dabbled with Congress, Left parties and Samajwadis in northern state of Uttar Pradesh has had his face off with law enforcement agencies in the past as well. While these Azad hooligans turned protests into an unruly affair, charges were made that Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its supporters were responsible for the protestors’ violence. Now comes the question of All India Students Association (AISA) that mobilized some youngsters from the Jawaharlal Nehru University and elsewhere. AISA is itself fighting for seeking relevance given that its parent Left extreme ideological assorted Naxalite groups have virtually folded up. AISA came into being as recruiting ground for all Marxist, Leninist armed groups including peoples war group whose Radical Students Union was merged into this outfit in a new avtar. AISA’s participation and some of its activists undertaking a fast along with Sonam Wangchuk is only a feeble attempt to revive the spirit of ‘naxalite revolution’, propagate the ideology of annihilation and wage an armed struggle against elected governments. Did splinter Naxalite groups on the run also become an active part of these protests? Has anyone examined this question? What was the role of Neha and her brand of CPI ML – Liberation activists? Did they see an opportunity in the Jantar Mantar protests to corner Modi government that was breathing down the neck of Maoist guerillas forcing their surrender or elimination? Now comes the radical Islamists link to the protests that were never spontaneous nor democratic, simple and plain. Bangladesh’s Jamaat e Islaami was abnormally active during the protests lending support

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Rising above Caste, Creed & Social Status

RSS strongly believes that distortions that have crept in need to be addressed as Hindu society goes about reclaiming its lost glory. Vinod Kumar Shukla Bharat that holds Vasudhaiv Kutumbakam (world is one family) as its philosophical foundation frequently faces accusations of being oppressive, unjust and regressive towards certain sections of its own people. But, how far does this charge hold true? To argue that Bhartiya society is innately regressive is historic mischaracterisation. Claims that its civilizational pathway inherently denies equal rights are unfounded. It is true, however, that Bharatiya society lately fractured along caste lines due to a rigid, hereditary system that crept in is a distortion that is neither correct nor intrinsically Indic. Throughout civilizational history spanning over 5,000 – 7,000 years, institutional aberrations were bound to occur across different eras and regions. Yet, Bhartiya society not only recognised these flaws at certain period of time but proactively corrected them from within. Emergence of Mahatma Gautam Buddha, Mahavir Swami, Adi Shankaracharya, Sant Kabir, Guru Nanak and innumerable other saints and social reformers demonstrate a robust internal tradition of reform and corrective processes operating under larger Sanatan umbrella. But it is foreign interventions that profoundly impacted both social fabric and collective psyche of Bharat. While Islamic invasions brought existential threats to life, faith and dignity, European colonizers deployed strategic narratives designed to divide and disintegrate Hindu society. Modern concept of ‘caste’ was one such foreign intervention manufactured by drawing a false parallel with ancient concept of Varna. English word “caste” is derived from Portuguese and Spanish word ‘casta’ which means race, lineage or breed. This European construct is being used to demonize Varna by Breaking Bharat brigade which was not hereditary. Most of ancient Bhartiya treatises explicitly state that Varna is determined by work profile, merit, conduct rather than birth. As Skanda Purana, the largest one, notes: जन्मना जायते शूद्रः संस्काराद् द्विज उच्यते। वेदपाठात् भवेत् विप्रः ब्रह्म जानाति ब्राह्मणः।। (Book VI, Nagara Kanda, Chapter 239, Verses 31-34) “By birth, everyone is a Shudra (an ordinary person). By undergoing purificatory rites and moral education, one becomes a Dwija (twice-born). By studying Vedas, one becomes a Vipra (learned), and one who realizes Brahman (the Ultimate Truth) is known as a Brahmana.” This clear distinction is reinforced in Srimad Bhagavad Gita, where Lord Krishna reveals to Arjuna: चातुर्वर्ण्यं मया सृष्टं गुणकर्मविभागश: । तस्य कर्तारमपि मां विद्ध्यकर्तारमव्ययम् ॥ 4.13॥ “Four categories of occupations were created by me according to people’s qualities and activities. Although I am the creator of this system, know Me to be the non-doer and eternal.” Srimad Bhagavad Gita further dwelves that varna system is not by birth but by action when it says: ब्राह्मणक्षत्रियविशां शूद्राणां च परन्तप । कर्माणि प्रविभक्तानि स्वभावप्रभवैर्गुणै: ॥ 18.41॥ Duties of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras—are distributed according to their qualities, their guṇas (and not by birth). But contemporary discourse around caste has been heavily shaped by colonial interventions, Western framing and specific ideological agendas by falsely equating it with Varna. Both external and internal forces working against interest of Bharat have weaponized the caste narrative to delegitimize Hindu tradition, value system and civilization, blaming it for systemic discrimination while ignoring historical distortions introduced by the British. Clearly birth-based caste system finds no support in Vedic traditions. All these distortions were done with a purpose. To disrupt the social harmony of a self-sustaining Bhartiya society, colonial administrators used censuses and codifications to institutionalize and freeze fluid social groups. Communities that once enjoyed social mobility were boxed into rigid hereditary categories. The first all-India census was conducted in 1871, followed by classifications under H H Risley in the 1901 census that formalized these divisions. Risley operationalized theory that varna, however ancient, could be rigidly applied to all modern occupations and groups in Bharat. Thrusted upon the society and repeated for generations, this artificial classification became a major impediment to social harmony. In present context, companies like Cisco and some state legislatures in United States continue to drive the narrative of caste as an impediment to social and economic progression in Bharat and hence identified caste as an issue of concern. Against this backdrop, Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony) initiative of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) gains significance aiming to counter these distortions and restore the original spirit of civilization. In modern digital age, where social media often exacerbates social fractures, targeted grassroots intervention becomes even more vital. Samajik Samrasta is intensified in centenary year of the RSS which ideated on five core social transformative ideas as ‘Panch Parivartan’ (Five Transformations). Samajik Samrasta is one of them. Anticipating threat posed by caste divisions, many of which were legacies of the colonial era and aberrations within the Bharatiya society, RSS initiated its anti-discrimination work decades ago. Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, founder and first Sarsanghachalak (chief) of RSS included erasing internal divisions within Hindu society as one core vision of the organisation, believing that national strength could not be built on a divided Hindu society. Way back in 1925, he emphasized that every Swayamsevak (volunteer) must embrace shared civilizational identity as Hindu first, transcending caste lines. Second Sarsanghchalak M S Golwalkar while defending the functional philosophy of the varna system, strongly criticized its degeneration into a rigid, birth-based hierarchy renamed as Caste by the British. He also denounced untouchability as a historic deviation from true Hindu principles and called for its total elimination. Even M K Gandhi advocated for original concept of Varna while Dr B R Ambedkar, in his seminal work ‘Who Were the Shudras?’ posited that Shudras were originally part of the Kshatriyas (the second Varna). He quoted several scriptures to suggest that there were three Varnas at some places and four elsewhere. However, his quest remains that who were modern days Shudras? Subsequent RSS leadership accelerated these social integration efforts. The third Sarsanghchalak, Balasaheb Deoras, placed equality and social harmony at centre of organization’s outreach, famously declaring in 1974: “If untouchability is not wrong, then nothing is wrong in the world.” Current Sarsanghchalak, Mohan Bhagwat, continues to

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France 24 Resorts to Shivaji Fable

France 24 Resorts to Shivaji Fable

Is expressing Hindu cultural nationalism a threat to humanity? Putting up Shivaji statues is not anti-Muslim as claimed by authors. Dr. Aniket Pingley One wonders as to whether France 24 article headlined,” India’s Hindu nationalists take 17th-century king as new anti-Muslim symbol” deserve any attention at all? But, in this age of generative artificial intelligence and instinct is not the only thing that matters. This figment of wild imagination could be archived as training data. Tomorrow’s AI models will carry a trace of this hogwash forward, absorbed not as opinion but as fact, the way a rumour repeated in enough places, eventually gets mistaken for a source. That is reason enough to leave a counterpoint on the record. Not because the write up has earned the engagement. The article’s opening claim is that statues of Shivaji Maharaj have in some instances been “erected in secret.” A few paragraphs later, the evidence for the broader phenomenon includes a video, filmed, uploaded to YouTube and freely viewable by anyone with an internet connection, of a statue’s public unveiling, complete with a crowd, procession and men waving flags for the cameras. One wonders as to what standard of secrecy is being applied here. A 27-metre statue requires cranes, months of construction, land allocation etc. If this is what covert operations look like in 2026, world’s intelligence agencies have been working far too hard. Even a reasonably attentive housecat, watching the unveiling video loop past on a phone screen would struggle to identify what precisely was kept secret and from whom? Should one engage in proving any plausible explanation for usage of the word “secrecy”? The author did not care enough to explain, so one would not venture any further. Deductive Reasoning That Really Isn’t The article’s next move was to identify “a few hundred men” wearing saffron scarves and waving saffron flags as RSS supporters without a named source or a single quoted individual confirming this. The entire inference rests on colour of the cloth. Is inference the right word here or is it simply an unwarranted extrapolation? Bhagwa Dhwaj, double-pennant saffron flag, is Shivaji’s own royal and military standard flown by Maratha kingdom three centuries before RSS existed. A crowd honouring Shivaji by flying Shivaji’s own historical flag at a Shivaji statue’s unveiling is doing the single most historically literal thing available to them. If anything, the provenance runs the other way: later Hindu organisations drew on this older Maratha and civilisational symbolism, not the reverse. The article treats17th-century royal standard as if it were 21st-century political logo. The colour proves nothing on its own and no serious piece of analysis would rest an accusation on it. Call what it plainly is: hogwash dressed up as analysis. Which Public Space, Exactly? The article’s most emotionally loaded claim comes from its single quoted source that Shivaji statues are “another reminder that minorities don’t have a claim on public space.” This is presented as a self-evident wrong, in the register of apartheid and segregation. As these words were being written, streets of Nagpur are hosting thousands of Muslim devotees moving through the city to mark 104th Urs, the death anniversary of Hazrat Baba Tajuddin. The local police did not obstruct this procession; they facilitated it, rerouting traffic at several junctions and absorbing the resulting congestion as a matter of routine civic accommodation. The event was large, disruptive to ordinary traffic and entirely peaceful. Nagpur is the birthplace of RSS and on these very streets RSS conducts its own annual foundation-day march-past, equally large, equally peaceful and facilitated by very same police force. Nagpur Municipal Corporation is run by BJP. Maharashtra state is governed by BJP. The country is governed by BJP. It is the party the article accuses of engineering a “hundred-year project” to deny Muslims their claim to public space. If the thesis were true, Nagpur was precisely where exclusion should be most visible and least deniable. “Juvenile nonsense” is most apt description to baseless charges made in the write up. The authors did not describe India at all but a version of it that existed inside their own echo chamber, a self-inflated flimsy bubble in which the conclusion was reached long before anyone cared to check what realities were on the street. Now let’s apply same principle honestly and it cuts in a direction the article does not want to look. It is ironic that France 24’s country of origin has its own well-documented history with precisely this question. Paris and several other French cities faced genuine controversy over Friday prayers held on public streets when mosque capacity purportedly ran short. French authorities resolved this with an outright ban on the practice on the explicit grounds that public streets belong to all citizens and cannot be claimed by any one community’s religious use (Muslims protest with street prayer in Paris suburb, AP News). Courtroom with One Witness The article’s entire analytical content rests on one voice: Rohit Chopra introduced simply as “a communications professor at Santa Clara University.” What’s kept away from the public discourse is that Prof Chopra is author of The Virtual Hindu Rashtra: Saffron Nationalism and New Media, a book published in 2019.   Seven years before publication of this latest article, the thesis precisely made this claim and “re-discovered”: Online and cultural expression of Hindu nationalism constitutes a global far-right threat. Chopra sits on advisory board of Centre for Study of Organised Hate and is a member of South Asia Scholar Activist Collective, a body whose own name announces that scholarship and activism are not separate. None of this makes his opinion worthless. It only means that his views pre-date debate on Shivaji statues. His opinion was formed several years before and waiting for a fresh set of events to be rehashed to push pre-designed narrative. No RSS spokesperson has even been approached to respond. No Telangana state official has been quoted though state government’s alleged funding role was central to the story. No Maratha historian based

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Futuristic Blueprint for Humanity

Panch Parivartan of RSS provides a transformative package for Bharat while communities globally could adopt the model. Vinod Kumar Shukla ​For its centennial events, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ideated on five core social transformative ideas as ‘Panch Parivartan’ (Five Transformations). Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony), Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Enlightenment), Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Environmental Protection), Nagrik Kartavya (Civic Duties) and Swa / Swadeshi (Self-Reliance) as areas into which the Hindu-centric organization would like to work on. These initiatives serve as tools to transform Bharat’s society and provide a template for global communities. These five transformative campaigns represent collective resolutions to prepare people of Bharat to deal with futuristic challenges. By fostering essential behavioural changes, they aim to drive national renaissance and build stronger, self-reliant Bharat: Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony) ​Pluralism is as old as the civilization of Bharat itself. It is a heritage where diverse ideas including contrarian philosophies and opposing viewpoints have not only been welcomed but have coexisted and flourished. People of Bharat are inherently seekers who engage in dialogue rather than denying or negating the very existence of others. ​Samajik Samrasta programme is to promote unity and eliminate discrimination based on caste, creed or social status to build an inclusive society. In an ancient civilization like Bharat, social realignments are periodic necessity. RSS vision of social harmony begins with breaking down caste and community barriers. This is exemplified by call for Hindus to share “one temple, one well and one crematorium,” effectively erasing caste segregation at its source. While this is a prominent example, continuous efforts are being made to extend support to every section of society that feels marginalized or left behind. ​Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Values) ​After the individual, family constitutes the most vital unit of any society or the nation. Family being foundational unit, nurturing strong familial values, healthy dialogue within the family members and constructive cultural traditions in the household is primary objective of Kutumb Prabodhan. ​Over time, the institution of the family has weakened due to various factors, facing a continuous onslaught from Western influences and those in Bharat swayed by them. RSS aims to strengthen this very institution, recognizing that a resilient family structure builds a robust society and consequently, a strong nation. In Bharat, family values are not viewed as a form of bondage; rather, they are the cornerstone of personal growth and social stability, nurturing responsible, compassionate citizens. ​Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Protection of Environment) ​Today, entire globe faces the fury of nature, a direct consequence of unimpeded exploitation of natural resources. Encouraging sustainable living, tree plantation and a lifestyle that respects nature is deeply embedded in Bharat’s civilizational ethos, where the earth, rivers, seas, air, water, trees, moon and sun are traditionally worshiped. ​In championing culture and civilization, RSS is simply advancing these ancient tenets that treat environmental protection as a cardinal rule of life. Through Panch Parivartan, RSS has made an “environment-friendly lifestyle” a core focus area. The message of Paryavaran Sanrakshan—saving water and using natural resources judiciously—is now transcending generations with each age group adopting its own methods to protect the planet. It represents a collective movement where different people take diverse paths toward a common cause. ​Selfhood & Self-Reliance (Swa) ​If there is anything that was severely eroded over past millennium, it was sentiment of Swa (Selfhood). Realizing essence of Swa is crucial; it begins with taking pride in indigenous roots, promoting local economies and embracing “Swadeshi” way of life as against western economic aggression. This is the core of being self-reliant and proudly Bharatiya. ​The element of Swa extends beyond economic independence to encompass cultural self-confidence. This principle is applied through a five-fold transformative agenda known as Panchamukhi Vikas, which focuses on Swa (Self-Reliance), Shiksha (Education), Swasthya (Health), Sanskar (Culture) and Artha (Economy). Civic Duty (Nagrik Kartavya) ​The citizens of Bharat are frequently criticized for a perceived lack of civic sense, which is vital for the transformation of any society. The RSS seeks to instil deep sense of duty among citizens, encouraging them to follow rule of law, adhere to constitutional obligations and maintain social decency apart from participation in societal governance. ​This also includes a citizen’s democratic duty to exercise their franchise during elections. While many people harbour cynicism toward “the system,” Panch Parivartan urges citizens to actively change the system from within instead of merely complaining. Among the five resolutions, Environmental Protection is the most critical for survival of mankind. The immediate priority is raising awareness about vital importance of environmental conservation and educating people on how to achieve it. As pressure on natural resources intensifies, several interventions have become urgent: protecting fresh drinking water bodies, undertaking large-scale afforestation to combat global warming, balancing oxygen levels, preventing soil erosion and eliminating single-use plastics to safeguard rivers, farmlands and oceans. The RSS seeks to address these challenges by blending traditional ecological practices with civic responsibility and community-driven movements. ​The greatest immediate challenge is rapid development-linked urbanization which leaves a heavy negative footprint on the environment. Western model of development has caused maximum ecological harm. In contrast, Bharat not only talks but proposes eco-friendly development models. It also proved by achieving its initial goal of reducing emissions intensity of its GDP by 33 –35 per cent well ahead of 2030 deadline and has since escalated its ambition, targeting a 47 per cent reduction by 2035. ​However, global progress on this is hindered by a long-standing schism between developed and developing nations. Many developed countries are reluctant to compromise or deviate from high-emission paths that initially secured their wealth. Consequently, developing nations are being pressured to reduce their carbon footprints disproportionately while others falter—such as the United States’ past withdrawal from climate agreements. The list of faltering nations is long. Denying access to eco-friendly technologies and funding arrangements by the stubborn Western leadership is yet again an issue ​Bharat not only abides by Paris Agreement but advocates for a sustainable development model that rejects aggressive consumerism. This model aligns with ancient Indian wisdom, which emphasizes that humanity is an integral

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