Bharat Canada Disinformation Hindus Khalistan Misinformation Pakistan Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

Four Hyperlinks, One Demand: Ban a Century-Old Hindu Movement

Fact-Checking claims behind a letter for banning RSS and bar Dr. Mohan Bhagwat from Canada. Rohan Giri Read the McPherson-Kwan letter once, quickly, and it sounds urgent. Read it twice, slowly, and a different question starts to form. Two sitting Members of Parliament are asking three cabinet ministers to ban an 89,000-branch (Shakha) civic organization and personally exclude its 76-year-old spiritual head Dr. Mohan Bhagwat from Canadian soil. What did they attach to justify that? Four hyperlinks and the word “fascist,” used as though repetition were an argument. That gap, between the size of the demand and the size of the proof offered for it, is the actual story here. Walk through it claim by claim and the gap doesn’t close. It widens. An Adjective Standing in for an Argument The letter’s opening sentence calls the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) a “fascist paramilitary organization.” It never returns to prove that claim. It doesn’t need to, because the sentence is doing the job a paragraph of evidence should be doing. Here is what the RSS actually is, as a matter of public record. Founded in Bharat’s western state Maharashtra’s Nagpur in 1925 as a voluntary community service organization. Structured today as a cultural movement with elected office bearers, answering upward through district and provincial layers to a national council of roughly 1,400 representatives who review its functioning. It runs daily neighbourhood gatherings called Shakha, disaster relief programs, and education initiatives. That is the architecture of a civic cultural movement. Calling it a paramilitary force doesn’t make it one, any more than calling Canada’s elected government a “regime” turns Parliament into a junta. Both moves borrow the vocabulary of atrocity and hope nobody asks for the receipts. The Terrorist List That Already Exists, and Doesn’t Include the RSS The letter accuses Dr. Mohan Bhagwat’s association with “listed terrorist organizations,” plural, unnamed. Canada actually publishes this list. It names Hamas, Hezbollah, ISIS, al-Qaida. It also names Babbar Khalsa International and the International Sikh Youth Federation, two terrorist groups whose Canadian file is not a matter of dispute. Public Safety Canada’s own description of the ISYF states it was responsible for a number of bombings, assassinations and kidnappings targeting Hindus, moderate Sikhs, and Indian government officials, working in coordination with BKI. BKI is the organization tied to the 1985 Air India Flight 182 bombing, which killed 329 people, 268 of them Canadian citizens. The RSS appears on this list zero times. Not once, in any form, under any name. So when a letter demanding a fresh terrorist listing invokes “listed terrorist organizations” as though the target already qualifies, it is worth asking a plain question. Which organizations actually sit on that list. And why does a letter about protecting Canadians from terrorism manage to avoid naming either group Canada has formally designated as one. The vocabulary and terminology used are conventional progressive-Islamist talking points i.e., “fascist paramilitary,” “Hindutva extremism,” “genocidal rhetoric,” and “transnational repression.” There is no comparable urgency applied to actual Khalistani terrorist networks that have murdered Canadians, or to Islamist terrorism pipelines working within Canada. One Word Carrying an Entire Accusation The letter’s most severe assertion is also the most cautiously worded. Which is Nijjar’s killing. Before I get into their claims, let me tell you that Hardip Singh Nijjar was proscribed as a terrorist by Indian intelligence officials in 2020. As per official report he was top operative of the Khalistan Tiger Force (KTF) and was the mastermind behind a separate 2007 cinema bombing in Punjab, Bharat. Now, returning to their allegations, it says, in Nijjar’s killing, “reportedly” involved senior BJP leadership connected to the RSS. Read that sentence again. The whole accusation rests on a single adverb. Canada’s own Foreign Interference Commission ran a formal public inquiry with subpoena power into exactly this territory. Its final conclusion on a state link to the killing was that no definitive link to a foreign state could be proven. The men actually charged in the killing are alleged to belong to a criminal network. Not the RSS. Taking “reportedly,” running it through a finding that falls well short of the accusation, and landing on a demand to ban an organization and its members nationwide isn’t caution. It’s laundering. A Citation That Doesn’t Say What It’s Cited For The letter invokes “United Nations Human Rights experts” who supposedly called on Canada to protect Sikh Canadians from RSS threats. The actual conversation concerned threats received by a specific individual Bhai Moninder Singh, a Khalistan supporter and national spokesperson for ‘Sikh Federation Canada,’ who is also an associate of Nijjar. This was issued weeks before the letter, and on the public record does not name the RSS as the source of those threats. If the primary text says otherwise, publish it. Citing a document nobody has quoted the relevant line from is not evidence. It’s a hyperlink doing cosplay as a finding. The same problem sits under the letter’s claim about “considerable evidence of the RSS’s sphere of influence in Canada,” footnoted to a single advocacy report, not a CSIS assessment, not an RCMP finding, not a threat bulletin. Advocacy groups are entitled to publish advocacy. What two MPs are not entitled to do is attach the phrase “Canadian security officials know” to someone else’s campaign document. The Visits Where Nothing Happened The letter warns that Bhagwat’s presence “could lead to social disorder.” This is a testable claim, because Bhagwat has already made this exact trip, repeatedly, to countries with no shortage of scrutiny or free press to report what happened. He addressed a gathering in the United Kingdom in 2016. He addressed the World Hindu Congress in Chicago in 2018, in front of roughly 2,500 delegates. He delivered the inaugural address at the 2023 World Hindu Congress in Bangkok. None of these produced the disorder the letter predicts for Canada. His most reported domestic engagement with a minority community, a 2022 visit to a New Delhi mosque and madrasa, involved him meeting the chief

Bharat Education Opinion Policy Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

RSS Chief Sides with Gen Z, Alpha

Were Jantar Mantar protests peaceful to trigger dialogue in spirit of ‘reasoned debate’ to forge consensus on education reforms? K.A. Badarinath Bharat’s youth who fall under 35-years age bracket total to over 800 million. Only a few thousands of these youngsters joined Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) led Jantar Mantar protests on NEET paper leak last month. Genuine students, irrespective of their ideological moorings, that sought educational reforms, corrective measures against paper leaks may not be treated as ‘anti-national’. And, they have the right to protest, take to streets in a peaceful formation or even get loud. Protests are one way of leading to consensus on core education issues in a large diverse democracy like India that’s on path to constant reform. In a democratic polity like India’s, protests are perfectly fine. Even this instrument of protests has to be used with lots of wisdom and responsibility in forging consensus on reforming education system that may have fallen short of student’s expectations and aspirations of youth. This seems to be tone and tenor with which Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Dr Mohan Bhagwat for the first time articulated the organization’s position on recent protests in New Delhi while interacting with thousands of Gen Z and Gen Alpha at an event in Mumbai on Thursday. The 49-days protests were however not entirely peaceful as envisioned by Bharat’s Constitutional visionary Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar in several of his writings. RSS chief made a specific reference to Dr Ambedkar’s line on peaceful protests in his public interaction with youth. Ambedkar held peaceful protests on several occasions unlike violence, hooliganism and stone pelting witnessed in recent Jantar Mantar protests infiltrated by rowdy sheeters, drug peddlers, rapists and criminals. Dr Ambedkar had led thousands of people in 1927 against caste-based discrimination in accessing drinking water from wells. This protest is easily seen as one of the most unique and popular as ‘Mahad Satyagraha.” Kalaram Temple entry satyagraha in 1930 was yet another peaceful movement that was held under leadership of Dr B.R. Ambedkar seeking end to untouchability of low caste Hindus. Ambedkar sought equal rights to temple entry in Nashik as an issue of ‘fundamental human dignity’. In a speech on November 25,1949, Dr Ambedkar had argued stringently against unconstitutional methods and disruptions terming them as ‘grammar of anarchy’. In fact, Dr Ambedkar wanted communities, citizens groups and stakeholders to take recourse to constitutional means like Parliament and elections for seeking redress to their issues. When Dr Bhagwat referred to Ambedkar’s line on peaceful protests, not many would have gauged the context and its significance. RSS chief’s messaging seems to be crystal clear. There’s no place for violence unlike what happened during the CJP protests. Culture of reasoned debate in Bharat was highlighted by the RSS chief in the context of protests held by students. Well, did the protestors trigger a reasonable debate on their issues? It’s a big question. Second big rider pointed to by Dr Mohan Bhagwat was that protests should not lead to divisions in the society or bring about divisiveness. But, did the Jantar Mantar protests pass this test? Well no. Only some genuinely concerned students and their families were there seeking changes in education system. But then, anti-social elements took control of narratives as well as the dais at Jantar Mantar. Stone pelting was resorted to by anti-social elements akin to what we had witnessed in Kashmir valley terrorists backed street incidents. Students’ issues took a back seat. Instead, protests got politicised with several opposition parties jumping in lending an anti-Modi twist to the protests. Left extremists who joined the protests claiming to be heirs of Dr Ambedkar were in fact seeking relevance as their guerilla war waged against democratic institutions got wiped out. In fact, the RSS chief brought the conversation back on issues that mean a lot to students and youth. Dr Mohan Bhagwat pushed for setting aside six per cent of GDP for education making it affordable and accessible to all. RSS has also argued against commercialization of educational institutions as avenues for profiteering at the cost of students and youth. At the same time, RSS chief has pin pointed to ‘collective responsibility’ of entire Indian society for taking education to all and not leaving it in exclusive domain of government. So, bringing meaningful debate on education engaging students and youth as big stakeholders may be the way forward. (Author is Director & Chief Executive of Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies and a veteran newsman)

Bharat Education Policy Politics Security

Scientific Deconstruct of Cockroaches

Jantar Mantar protests were never just about students. Foreign-funded NGOs, radical Islamists, Maoists, criminals and church, gave a lethal twist to the campaign. K.A. Badarinath A scientific deconstruction of what Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) and its 49-days violence ridden protests at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi warrants looking beyond the ordinary. Neither the protests were simply about leak of papers relating to national examinations for admitting students to top medical colleges nor were they instant outpour of students anger against the system alone. Possibly there were a couple of thousands of students and their parents that were genuinely agitated about leak of entrance exams papers. A big chunk of the protestors was with questionable background or their intent needs closer scrutiny. Resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan was demanded and achieved. What next is the lingering question that haunts a lot number of gentry. Will Pradhan’s exit from the council of ministers solve the issues relating to education sector? If one were to go by media reports there were over 46 such leaks in states and centre pre-2014 before this government took charge of Bharat’s affairs. Has resignation of education ministers of these states or at centre been demanded? Was the ‘education mafia’ tackled then is the moot question? Some reports suggest that cleanup of education system undertaken by this government was to be side-stepped and hence the cockroaches demanded his resignation. One report suggested that even change of portfolio was not acceptable to agitators who held the capital to ransom as hooligans took over the streets. Gridlock aside, who are these cockroaches that ratcheted up big time following on the insta and other social media handles that pushed the envelope? A big section of bureaucracy and political leadership is so much overwhelmed that they are not even willing to look at facts and begin the pushback. A Delhi Police analysis based on its Crime Kundli database and face recognition technology, over 2873 individuals with criminal background ‘infiltrated’ or took over the students protest that swelled to about 20,000 at its peak. Murder, robbery, dacoity, crime against women, drug peddling those with heinous criminal background were zeroed upon in their first set analysis. Illegal arms peddlers, chain snatchers and kidnappers also made their way into the protests that were marked by huge attacks on the Delhi Police force. Antagonists of Delhi Police did not waste time to question the database and its findings. They were out to claim that Delhi Police was attempting to paint the cockroaches protest black. As Delhi’s veteran crime reporters would vouch, this database is one of the most scientifically built assets to tackle crime in the national capital. It has not been created to denigrate two months old cockroaches born out of a satirical statement made by Honourable Chief Justice of India, founded and allegedly funded by foreign powers that be. How did so many crime-sheeters make it to the protest? Who mobilized them? There’s no plausible answer as of now. And now, they have the gumption to question the very authority of Supreme Court of India on proceeding against criminals linked to protests. Social media is awash with reports that Malayali businessman Mohammed Shaji of Dubai based Abreco Freight flew 23 of his employees to participate in the Cockroaches protest spending thousands of dollars. Big question is what’s the link between the two sides. Shaji reportedly facing issues with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government covered all expenses for these employees and even provided some extra incentives to motivate their participation in this protest. Has anyone cared to find out the international linkages of these cockroaches? Has deep dive analysis been made into lethal twist given to cockroaches’ protest at Jantar Mantar by Bhim Army and its chief Chandrashekhar Azad? The Nagina member of parliament not only extended his support to the Abhijit Dipke led CJP but actively fore-fronted the sit-in within and outside the Parliament premises. An elected Member of Parliament wedded to a certain ideology has full freedom to do what he did. He reportedly mobilized people on the ground, gave violent edge to the protesters who repeatedly claimed it was ‘peaceful and violence free’. There was nothing peaceful about the protests whatsoever. Bhim Party that was born out of divisive ideological moorings and sectarian agenda did its bit to lend numbers, logistical support and even partly funded the campaign that largely metamorphosed into one against Modi government, Bharat and RSS. Azad who dabbled with Congress, Left parties and Samajwadis in northern state of Uttar Pradesh has had his face off with law enforcement agencies in the past as well. While these Azad hooligans turned protests into an unruly affair, charges were made that Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its supporters were responsible for the protestors’ violence. Now comes the question of All India Students Association (AISA) that mobilized some youngsters from the Jawaharlal Nehru University and elsewhere. AISA is itself fighting for seeking relevance given that its parent Left extreme ideological assorted Naxalite groups have virtually folded up. AISA came into being as recruiting ground for all Marxist, Leninist armed groups including peoples war group whose Radical Students Union was merged into this outfit in a new avtar. AISA’s participation and some of its activists undertaking a fast along with Sonam Wangchuk is only a feeble attempt to revive the spirit of ‘naxalite revolution’, propagate the ideology of annihilation and wage an armed struggle against elected governments. Did splinter Naxalite groups on the run also become an active part of these protests? Has anyone examined this question? What was the role of Neha and her brand of CPI ML – Liberation activists? Did they see an opportunity in the Jantar Mantar protests to corner Modi government that was breathing down the neck of Maoist guerillas forcing their surrender or elimination? Now comes the radical Islamists link to the protests that were never spontaneous nor democratic, simple and plain. Bangladesh’s Jamaat e Islaami was abnormally active during the protests lending support

Bharat Hindus Opinion Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

Rising above Caste, Creed & Social Status

RSS strongly believes that distortions that have crept in need to be addressed as Hindu society goes about reclaiming its lost glory. Vinod Kumar Shukla Bharat that holds Vasudhaiv Kutumbakam (world is one family) as its philosophical foundation frequently faces accusations of being oppressive, unjust and regressive towards certain sections of its own people. But, how far does this charge hold true? To argue that Bhartiya society is innately regressive is historic mischaracterisation. Claims that its civilizational pathway inherently denies equal rights are unfounded. It is true, however, that Bharatiya society lately fractured along caste lines due to a rigid, hereditary system that crept in is a distortion that is neither correct nor intrinsically Indic. Throughout civilizational history spanning over 5,000 – 7,000 years, institutional aberrations were bound to occur across different eras and regions. Yet, Bhartiya society not only recognised these flaws at certain period of time but proactively corrected them from within. Emergence of Mahatma Gautam Buddha, Mahavir Swami, Adi Shankaracharya, Sant Kabir, Guru Nanak and innumerable other saints and social reformers demonstrate a robust internal tradition of reform and corrective processes operating under larger Sanatan umbrella. But it is foreign interventions that profoundly impacted both social fabric and collective psyche of Bharat. While Islamic invasions brought existential threats to life, faith and dignity, European colonizers deployed strategic narratives designed to divide and disintegrate Hindu society. Modern concept of ‘caste’ was one such foreign intervention manufactured by drawing a false parallel with ancient concept of Varna. English word “caste” is derived from Portuguese and Spanish word ‘casta’ which means race, lineage or breed. This European construct is being used to demonize Varna by Breaking Bharat brigade which was not hereditary. Most of ancient Bhartiya treatises explicitly state that Varna is determined by work profile, merit, conduct rather than birth. As Skanda Purana, the largest one, notes: जन्मना जायते शूद्रः संस्काराद् द्विज उच्यते। वेदपाठात् भवेत् विप्रः ब्रह्म जानाति ब्राह्मणः।। (Book VI, Nagara Kanda, Chapter 239, Verses 31-34) “By birth, everyone is a Shudra (an ordinary person). By undergoing purificatory rites and moral education, one becomes a Dwija (twice-born). By studying Vedas, one becomes a Vipra (learned), and one who realizes Brahman (the Ultimate Truth) is known as a Brahmana.” This clear distinction is reinforced in Srimad Bhagavad Gita, where Lord Krishna reveals to Arjuna: चातुर्वर्ण्यं मया सृष्टं गुणकर्मविभागश: । तस्य कर्तारमपि मां विद्ध्यकर्तारमव्ययम् ॥ 4.13॥ “Four categories of occupations were created by me according to people’s qualities and activities. Although I am the creator of this system, know Me to be the non-doer and eternal.” Srimad Bhagavad Gita further dwelves that varna system is not by birth but by action when it says: ब्राह्मणक्षत्रियविशां शूद्राणां च परन्तप । कर्माणि प्रविभक्तानि स्वभावप्रभवैर्गुणै: ॥ 18.41॥ Duties of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras—are distributed according to their qualities, their guṇas (and not by birth). But contemporary discourse around caste has been heavily shaped by colonial interventions, Western framing and specific ideological agendas by falsely equating it with Varna. Both external and internal forces working against interest of Bharat have weaponized the caste narrative to delegitimize Hindu tradition, value system and civilization, blaming it for systemic discrimination while ignoring historical distortions introduced by the British. Clearly birth-based caste system finds no support in Vedic traditions. All these distortions were done with a purpose. To disrupt the social harmony of a self-sustaining Bhartiya society, colonial administrators used censuses and codifications to institutionalize and freeze fluid social groups. Communities that once enjoyed social mobility were boxed into rigid hereditary categories. The first all-India census was conducted in 1871, followed by classifications under H H Risley in the 1901 census that formalized these divisions. Risley operationalized theory that varna, however ancient, could be rigidly applied to all modern occupations and groups in Bharat. Thrusted upon the society and repeated for generations, this artificial classification became a major impediment to social harmony. In present context, companies like Cisco and some state legislatures in United States continue to drive the narrative of caste as an impediment to social and economic progression in Bharat and hence identified caste as an issue of concern. Against this backdrop, Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony) initiative of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) gains significance aiming to counter these distortions and restore the original spirit of civilization. In modern digital age, where social media often exacerbates social fractures, targeted grassroots intervention becomes even more vital. Samajik Samrasta is intensified in centenary year of the RSS which ideated on five core social transformative ideas as ‘Panch Parivartan’ (Five Transformations). Samajik Samrasta is one of them. Anticipating threat posed by caste divisions, many of which were legacies of the colonial era and aberrations within the Bharatiya society, RSS initiated its anti-discrimination work decades ago. Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, founder and first Sarsanghachalak (chief) of RSS included erasing internal divisions within Hindu society as one core vision of the organisation, believing that national strength could not be built on a divided Hindu society. Way back in 1925, he emphasized that every Swayamsevak (volunteer) must embrace shared civilizational identity as Hindu first, transcending caste lines. Second Sarsanghchalak M S Golwalkar while defending the functional philosophy of the varna system, strongly criticized its degeneration into a rigid, birth-based hierarchy renamed as Caste by the British. He also denounced untouchability as a historic deviation from true Hindu principles and called for its total elimination. Even M K Gandhi advocated for original concept of Varna while Dr B R Ambedkar, in his seminal work ‘Who Were the Shudras?’ posited that Shudras were originally part of the Kshatriyas (the second Varna). He quoted several scriptures to suggest that there were three Varnas at some places and four elsewhere. However, his quest remains that who were modern days Shudras? Subsequent RSS leadership accelerated these social integration efforts. The third Sarsanghchalak, Balasaheb Deoras, placed equality and social harmony at centre of organization’s outreach, famously declaring in 1974: “If untouchability is not wrong, then nothing is wrong in the world.” Current Sarsanghchalak, Mohan Bhagwat, continues to

Bharat Disinformation Hindus Misinformation

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France 24 Resorts to Shivaji Fable

Is expressing Hindu cultural nationalism a threat to humanity? Putting up Shivaji statues is not anti-Muslim as claimed by authors. Dr. Aniket Pingley One wonders as to whether France 24 article headlined,” India’s Hindu nationalists take 17th-century king as new anti-Muslim symbol” deserve any attention at all? But, in this age of generative artificial intelligence and instinct is not the only thing that matters. This figment of wild imagination could be archived as training data. Tomorrow’s AI models will carry a trace of this hogwash forward, absorbed not as opinion but as fact, the way a rumour repeated in enough places, eventually gets mistaken for a source. That is reason enough to leave a counterpoint on the record. Not because the write up has earned the engagement. The article’s opening claim is that statues of Shivaji Maharaj have in some instances been “erected in secret.” A few paragraphs later, the evidence for the broader phenomenon includes a video, filmed, uploaded to YouTube and freely viewable by anyone with an internet connection, of a statue’s public unveiling, complete with a crowd, procession and men waving flags for the cameras. One wonders as to what standard of secrecy is being applied here. A 27-metre statue requires cranes, months of construction, land allocation etc. If this is what covert operations look like in 2026, world’s intelligence agencies have been working far too hard. Even a reasonably attentive housecat, watching the unveiling video loop past on a phone screen would struggle to identify what precisely was kept secret and from whom? Should one engage in proving any plausible explanation for usage of the word “secrecy”? The author did not care enough to explain, so one would not venture any further. Deductive Reasoning That Really Isn’t The article’s next move was to identify “a few hundred men” wearing saffron scarves and waving saffron flags as RSS supporters without a named source or a single quoted individual confirming this. The entire inference rests on colour of the cloth. Is inference the right word here or is it simply an unwarranted extrapolation? Bhagwa Dhwaj, double-pennant saffron flag, is Shivaji’s own royal and military standard flown by Maratha kingdom three centuries before RSS existed. A crowd honouring Shivaji by flying Shivaji’s own historical flag at a Shivaji statue’s unveiling is doing the single most historically literal thing available to them. If anything, the provenance runs the other way: later Hindu organisations drew on this older Maratha and civilisational symbolism, not the reverse. The article treats17th-century royal standard as if it were 21st-century political logo. The colour proves nothing on its own and no serious piece of analysis would rest an accusation on it. Call what it plainly is: hogwash dressed up as analysis. Which Public Space, Exactly? The article’s most emotionally loaded claim comes from its single quoted source that Shivaji statues are “another reminder that minorities don’t have a claim on public space.” This is presented as a self-evident wrong, in the register of apartheid and segregation. As these words were being written, streets of Nagpur are hosting thousands of Muslim devotees moving through the city to mark 104th Urs, the death anniversary of Hazrat Baba Tajuddin. The local police did not obstruct this procession; they facilitated it, rerouting traffic at several junctions and absorbing the resulting congestion as a matter of routine civic accommodation. The event was large, disruptive to ordinary traffic and entirely peaceful. Nagpur is the birthplace of RSS and on these very streets RSS conducts its own annual foundation-day march-past, equally large, equally peaceful and facilitated by very same police force. Nagpur Municipal Corporation is run by BJP. Maharashtra state is governed by BJP. The country is governed by BJP. It is the party the article accuses of engineering a “hundred-year project” to deny Muslims their claim to public space. If the thesis were true, Nagpur was precisely where exclusion should be most visible and least deniable. “Juvenile nonsense” is most apt description to baseless charges made in the write up. The authors did not describe India at all but a version of it that existed inside their own echo chamber, a self-inflated flimsy bubble in which the conclusion was reached long before anyone cared to check what realities were on the street. Now let’s apply same principle honestly and it cuts in a direction the article does not want to look. It is ironic that France 24’s country of origin has its own well-documented history with precisely this question. Paris and several other French cities faced genuine controversy over Friday prayers held on public streets when mosque capacity purportedly ran short. French authorities resolved this with an outright ban on the practice on the explicit grounds that public streets belong to all citizens and cannot be claimed by any one community’s religious use (Muslims protest with street prayer in Paris suburb, AP News). Courtroom with One Witness The article’s entire analytical content rests on one voice: Rohit Chopra introduced simply as “a communications professor at Santa Clara University.” What’s kept away from the public discourse is that Prof Chopra is author of The Virtual Hindu Rashtra: Saffron Nationalism and New Media, a book published in 2019. Seven years before publication of this latest article, the thesis precisely made this claim and “re-discovered”: Online and cultural expression of Hindu nationalism constitutes a global far-right threat. Chopra sits on advisory board of Centre for Study of Organised Hate and is a member of South Asia Scholar Activist Collective, a body whose own name announces that scholarship and activism are not separate. None of this makes his opinion worthless. It only means that his views pre-date debate on Shivaji statues. His opinion was formed several years before and waiting for a fresh set of events to be rehashed to push pre-designed narrative. No RSS spokesperson has even been approached to respond. No Telangana state official has been quoted though state government’s alleged funding role was central to the story. No Maratha historian based

Bharat Education Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

137

Futuristic Blueprint for Humanity

Panch Parivartan of RSS provides a transformative package for Bharat while communities globally could adopt the model. Vinod Kumar Shukla For its centennial events, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ideated on five core social transformative ideas as ‘Panch Parivartan’ (Five Transformations). Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony), Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Enlightenment), Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Environmental Protection), Nagrik Kartavya (Civic Duties) and Swa / Swadeshi (Self-Reliance) as areas into which the Hindu-centric organization would like to work on. These initiatives serve as tools to transform Bharat’s society and provide a template for global communities. These five transformative campaigns represent collective resolutions to prepare people of Bharat to deal with futuristic challenges. By fostering essential behavioural changes, they aim to drive national renaissance and build stronger, self-reliant Bharat: Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony) Pluralism is as old as the civilization of Bharat itself. It is a heritage where diverse ideas including contrarian philosophies and opposing viewpoints have not only been welcomed but have coexisted and flourished. People of Bharat are inherently seekers who engage in dialogue rather than denying or negating the very existence of others. Samajik Samrasta programme is to promote unity and eliminate discrimination based on caste, creed or social status to build an inclusive society. In an ancient civilization like Bharat, social realignments are periodic necessity. RSS vision of social harmony begins with breaking down caste and community barriers. This is exemplified by call for Hindus to share “one temple, one well and one crematorium,” effectively erasing caste segregation at its source. While this is a prominent example, continuous efforts are being made to extend support to every section of society that feels marginalized or left behind. Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Values) After the individual, family constitutes the most vital unit of any society or the nation. Family being foundational unit, nurturing strong familial values, healthy dialogue within the family members and constructive cultural traditions in the household is primary objective of Kutumb Prabodhan. Over time, the institution of the family has weakened due to various factors, facing a continuous onslaught from Western influences and those in Bharat swayed by them. RSS aims to strengthen this very institution, recognizing that a resilient family structure builds a robust society and consequently, a strong nation. In Bharat, family values are not viewed as a form of bondage; rather, they are the cornerstone of personal growth and social stability, nurturing responsible, compassionate citizens. Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Protection of Environment) Today, entire globe faces the fury of nature, a direct consequence of unimpeded exploitation of natural resources. Encouraging sustainable living, tree plantation and a lifestyle that respects nature is deeply embedded in Bharat’s civilizational ethos, where the earth, rivers, seas, air, water, trees, moon and sun are traditionally worshiped. In championing culture and civilization, RSS is simply advancing these ancient tenets that treat environmental protection as a cardinal rule of life. Through Panch Parivartan, RSS has made an “environment-friendly lifestyle” a core focus area. The message of Paryavaran Sanrakshan—saving water and using natural resources judiciously—is now transcending generations with each age group adopting its own methods to protect the planet. It represents a collective movement where different people take diverse paths toward a common cause. Selfhood & Self-Reliance (Swa) If there is anything that was severely eroded over past millennium, it was sentiment of Swa (Selfhood). Realizing essence of Swa is crucial; it begins with taking pride in indigenous roots, promoting local economies and embracing “Swadeshi” way of life as against western economic aggression. This is the core of being self-reliant and proudly Bharatiya. The element of Swa extends beyond economic independence to encompass cultural self-confidence. This principle is applied through a five-fold transformative agenda known as Panchamukhi Vikas, which focuses on Swa (Self-Reliance), Shiksha (Education), Swasthya (Health), Sanskar (Culture) and Artha (Economy). Civic Duty (Nagrik Kartavya) The citizens of Bharat are frequently criticized for a perceived lack of civic sense, which is vital for the transformation of any society. The RSS seeks to instil deep sense of duty among citizens, encouraging them to follow rule of law, adhere to constitutional obligations and maintain social decency apart from participation in societal governance. This also includes a citizen’s democratic duty to exercise their franchise during elections. While many people harbour cynicism toward “the system,” Panch Parivartan urges citizens to actively change the system from within instead of merely complaining. Among the five resolutions, Environmental Protection is the most critical for survival of mankind. The immediate priority is raising awareness about vital importance of environmental conservation and educating people on how to achieve it. As pressure on natural resources intensifies, several interventions have become urgent: protecting fresh drinking water bodies, undertaking large-scale afforestation to combat global warming, balancing oxygen levels, preventing soil erosion and eliminating single-use plastics to safeguard rivers, farmlands and oceans. The RSS seeks to address these challenges by blending traditional ecological practices with civic responsibility and community-driven movements. The greatest immediate challenge is rapid development-linked urbanization which leaves a heavy negative footprint on the environment. Western model of development has caused maximum ecological harm. In contrast, Bharat not only talks but proposes eco-friendly development models. It also proved by achieving its initial goal of reducing emissions intensity of its GDP by 33 –35 per cent well ahead of 2030 deadline and has since escalated its ambition, targeting a 47 per cent reduction by 2035. However, global progress on this is hindered by a long-standing schism between developed and developing nations. Many developed countries are reluctant to compromise or deviate from high-emission paths that initially secured their wealth. Consequently, developing nations are being pressured to reduce their carbon footprints disproportionately while others falter—such as the United States’ past withdrawal from climate agreements. The list of faltering nations is long. Denying access to eco-friendly technologies and funding arrangements by the stubborn Western leadership is yet again an issue Bharat not only abides by Paris Agreement but advocates for a sustainable development model that rejects aggressive consumerism. This model aligns with ancient Indian wisdom, which emphasizes that humanity is an integral

Artificial Intelligence Bharat Business Economy Technology

147

Swadeshi Goes Hi-Tech!

‘Swa’ and Bharat’s self-reliance in advanced technology areas is a reality, domestic nuclear power campaign to fuel energy security. Dr Upender Krishen Saroop Swadeshi way of life carries a very deep and broader meaning. One must first understand Self (Swa) inherent in the word “Swadeshi.” ‘Swa’ has three foundational dimensions that have given Bharat a distinct identity and personality. When these three dimensions find natural expression in our personal, familial, professional, social and national life, only then can that way of living be truly called Swadeshi way of life in fullest sense. Bharat’s first and most fundamental concept of ‘Swa’ is spirituality. As Bharatiya worldview is rooted in spirituality, it is integral (Ekatma) and holistic (Sarvangeen). Bharat perceives the entire creation as interconnected, and it is from this that idea of “world is one family” (Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam) emanates. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) advocates Swadeshi (economic and cultural self-reliance) as outward manifestation of this unique concept, ‘Swa’ and a core pillar of national reconstruction. Championed through its socio-political affiliates, this philosophy shapes domestic policies, promotes indigenous industries and re-centres Bharat’s cultural identity. Rooted in the philosophy propounded by RSS ideologue Deendayal Upadhyaya, Swadeshi goes beyond economics to encompass cultural and spiritual self-reliance that ingrains holistic human development over unchecked consumerist globalisation. RSS promotes a native economic model that avoids both hyper-capitalism and state-controlled socialism, emphasizing on sustainable development, small-scale industries and maintaining environmental balance. The organization advocates protection of traditional familial structures, local community bonds and promotion of mother tongues and indigenous lifestyles. The Swadeshi concept forms ideological bedrock for major national campaigns. It heavily aligns with Bharat government’s Atmanirbhar Bharat (Self-Reliant India) and “Vocal for Local” initiatives which aim to empower domestic manufacturers and boost locally made products. India’s successful Swadeshi designed Nuclear reactor: India has marked a major milestone in its nuclear energy programme. The indigenously designed and built Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor (PFBR) at Kalpakkam in Tamil Nadu successfully attained first criticality on April 6, 2026, marking initiation of a sustained nuclear chain reaction. This PFBR is 500 MW reactor built by Bharatiya Nabhikiya Vidyut Nigam Limited (BHAVINI) at the Kalpakkam Nuclear Complex. With this feat, Bharat has entered second stage of its three-stage nuclear power campaign, first conceived by Dr. Homi Jehangir Bhabha, the architect of domestic nuclear programme. The milestone carries substantial global significance. Once fully operational, India will become only the second country in the world after Russia to operate a commercial fast breeder reactor. This milestone is testament to decades of scientific effort led by Department of Atomic Energy. It also marks a significant step in India’s clean energy journey, reinforcing the country’s commitment to reliable, low-carbon power. Additionally, it brings Bharat closer to realizing net zero emissions by 2070, a target set by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Three-stage nuclear power campaign India holds limited uranium reserves but one of the largest thorium deposits globally. To make the most of these resources, Department of Atomic Energy designed a three-stage nuclear power campaign built on a closed nuclear fuel cycle. The goal is to progressively multiply domestic fissile resources and secure long-term energy independence. Natural uranium is used as fuel in PHWRs to generate power. The spent fuel from these reactors produces plutonium which becomes primary input for the next stage. The plutonium obtained from Stage 1 is used as fuel in Fast Breeder Reactors which generate more fuel than they consume. PFBR at Kalpakkam marks Bharat’s entry into this stage. These reactors will be used to breed Uranium-233 from thorium, laying the groundwork for Stage 3. This stage will harness India’s vast thorium reserves at scale using Uranium-233 bred in Stage 2 as fuel. Thorium is considered a practically vast energy source and this stage holds the key to India’s long-term energy security. Each stage feeds into the next, making India’s nuclear programme one of the most forward-looking energy strategies in the world. PFBR: An Overview PFBR represents decades of indigenous research, design and engineering. Its technology was developed by Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research (IGCAR), an R&D centre under Department of Atomic Energy. Nuclear Power Landscape in India Bharat’s nuclear energy campaign has maintained steady presence in the country’s electricity mix. It now stands at a pivotal moment with significant expansion planned over coming years. Taken together, these numbers tell a clear story. Nuclear energy is no longer just a supplementary source of power in India. It is fast becoming cornerstone of the country’s clean energy future. Long-Term Mission Bharat has set sights on a significantly larger role for nuclear energy in its power mix. Government has announced Nuclear Energy Mission, outlined in Union Budget 2025–26, with the aim of achieving 100 GW nuclear power generation capacity by 2047. The mission also supports India’s broader goal of achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2070. The sector is under regulatory oversight, opening new avenues for collaboration and investment. India’s long-term nuclear vision is ambitious by design. With policy backing, dedicated funding and indigenous research at its core, country is building a nuclear future that is both self-reliant and globally significant. Conclusion Concept of Self Reliance or Atma nirbharta has its roots and inspiration from the concept of Swa and Swadeshi, an important paradigm for RSS. This is one of the five transformative ideas put forth in centenary year of RSS. Realm of Swadeshi has gone into high technology areas like Nuclear and solar energy to ensure energy security of our nation, space missions, defence equipment production, Semiconductors to name a few. The emergence of Bharat as an economic superpower based on ennobling values of peace and Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam is not only inevitable but desirable for the world which is torn apart in wars and violence. Bharat will provide the lead in this endeavour. (Author holds a doctorate in polymer technology from Indian Institute of Technology Delhi. He was a scientist in Shriram Institute for Industrial Research and formerly Vice President with Reliance Industries. Currently, he’s advisor to several packaging and polymer companies)

Bharat Hindus Kashmir Pakistan Security Technology

183

Kashmir’s Temple Heritage: A Testament to Bharat’s Enduring Civilization

The history of Kashmir is a tale of culture rather than just geography. The Valley fostered a distinctive intellectual, spiritual and cultural history for thousands of years that significantly influenced Bharat’s civilisational terrain. Kashmiri Hindu community consisting of intellectuals, philosophers, saints, poets and custodians of sanatan/dharmic knowledge whose presence established Kashmir’s cultural identity over centuries, stood at the heart of this legacy. For a displaced Kashmiri Hindu minority community, Kashmir Valley’s topography represents a sacred map of the spirit rather than just a set of physical coordinates. A 5,000-year-old civilisational continuum can be found in every mountain peak, freshwater spring (nag) and weathered stone facade. As opposed to “being seen as” two distinct geographies linked only by political boundaries, Kashmir and Bharat are integral parts of a single civilisational and dharmic ecosystem. Ideas, philosophies, texts, scholars, pilgrims and cultural customs moved freely between Kashmir and the rest of Bharat for millennia, enhancing a common civilisational consciousness. Kashmir Valley produced significant contributions to Shaivism, Sanskrit scholarship, aesthetics, philosophy and religious learning; it was not a peripheral frontier but rather one of the leading hubs of Bharatiya spiritual thinking. As a result, the history of Bharat and Kashmir are intricately interwoven, and the preservation of Bharat’s larger civilisational memory is inseparably related to the preservation of Kashmir’s legacy. Hundreds of ancient temples, shrines and historic sites were abandoned to stillness, overgrowth and the gradual deterioration of time when this link/bond was shattered by the mass ethnic cleansing and exodus of early 1990s. Temples of Kashmir, which are tucked away in the region’s breath-taking scenery, are timeless representations of spirituality, religion and cultural legacy. These hallowed locations serve as centres of devotion, meditation and cultural continuity while providing a deep link to Kashmir Valley’s historical past. Preserving historic neighbourhoods, sacred shrines, old temples and cultural landmarks connected to Kashmiri Hindu’s past has become an urgent priority. However, this endeavour is more than just preserving stones, buildings or archaeological remains; it is a crucial, emotional link that connects and preserves collective memory, reconnects identity and fulfils the long-term goals of a community committed to reclaiming its history and re-establishing ties between displaced generations and their ancestors. In this brief, CIHS is exploring the rich history, stunning architecture and profound spiritual importance of some of Kashmir’s most revered Hindu temples. Background One of the most amazing manifestations of Kashmir Valley’s long-standing spiritual and cultural legacy are its temples. Their multi-century history reflects the development of religious customs, artistic brilliance and innovative architecture in the Kashmir Valley. Many of these hallowed buildings date back to the early Common Era and some historians believe that the Kushan dynasty is when the first temples were built. Over time, Gandharan, Gupta and Central Asian artistic schools combined with rishi/sanatan customs, created a unique character of Kashmiri temple building. The ruins of a prosperous and long-lasting civilisation can be found all over the Valley. A living archive of Kashmir’s civilisational history is made up of ancient temples devoted to Shiva, Shakti, Vishnu and other deities; sacred springs and pilgrimage sites; traditional settlements; educational institutions and locations connected to well-regarded saints and scholars. Major Dynastic Contributions to Kashmiri Temple Architecture Dynasty Period Contribution Kushan Dynasty 1st–3rd century CE Early foundations of religious and artistic traditions in Kashmir. Karkota Dynasty 7th–9th century CE Golden age of temple construction; Martand and Naranag (or Naran Naag) temples. Utpala Dynasty 9th–10th century CE Construction of Avantiswami, Avantisvara and other major temples. Lohara Dynasty 10th–12th century CE Continued patronage of temples and religious institutions. Known as the “golden age” of Kashmir’s architectural and cultural accomplishments, the Karkota dynasty (7th–9th centuries CE) was a pivotal period in the development of temple architecture. Several large temples were built during this time, the most well-known of which being the Martand Sun Temple. A marvel of ancient Indian architecture, the temple was constructed in the eighth century by King Lalitaditya Muktapida and features a distinctive fusion of Gandharan, Gupta and regional Kashmiri design elements. The wealth and creative sophistication of the time are reflected in its enormous size and fine craftsmanship. Subsequent Utpala dynasty (9th–10th centuries CE) substantially enhanced Kashmir’s sacred landscape by building and supporting significant holy sites. Shankaracharya, one of the most treasured temple, is situated on a hilltop with a view over Srinagar. This historic shrine, devoted to Bhagwan Shiva, has long been a hub of spiritual devotion and pilgrimage, providing both religious importance and expansive vistas of the Valley. Shadipur in Kashmir Valley, also known as “Chota Prayagraj,” is a spiritual reflection of Prayagraj, the sacred confluence of the Ganga, Yamuna and Saraswati. Nestled amid the serene landscapes, Shadipur marks the sacred confluence of Jhelum and Sind rivers, mirroring the spiritual significance of the Triveni Sangam at Prayagraj. Similar to pilgrims at the Kumbh in Prayagraj, Kashmiri Hindus have flocked here for generations to carry out religious observances, ancestral rites and holy dips. Every twelve years, the place holds the Dashar Maha Kumbh, a distinctive Kashmiri custom that attracts people not only from Kashmir but all over Bharat. Shadipora’s “Chota Kumbh” highlights Kashmir Valley’s unique spiritual legacy, signifying the Valley’s deep-rooted connection to Hindu civilisation and pilgrimage network. From the Vitasta-Sindh Sangam in Kashmir to the Ganga-Yamuna Sangam in the center of Bharat, they collectively exhibit a common cultural continuum. Shaivite academics, priests and saints who worshipped at the holy Chinar island and Shiva Lingam at the sacred confluence have long been connected to the place. Shadipora Prayag has been a respected pilgrimage site for centuries, from ancient Kashmiri sages and Shaivite intellectuals to Maharaja Hari Singh and generations of Kashmiri Hindus. The mortal remains of national luminaries like Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Atal Bihari Vajpayee have also been found at the sacred confluence, demonstrating its special place in Kashmir’s spiritual and cultural legacy. Numerous temples in Kashmir have suffered ravages of invasions, natural disasters and political upheavals throughout history. They remain timeless representations of the region’s robust cultural and spiritual heritage despite these

Bharat Environment

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Victory to Mother Nature: Bharatiya Way and the Crisis of the Earth

By N. C. Bipindra As World Environment Day is observed on June 5, it is worth pausing to ask a fundamental question: why is the world scrambling to rediscover what Bharat (India) has always known? While the United Nations frames environmental protection as an urgent modern challenge, the civilisation that has flourished on the banks of the Sindhu, Ganga, Yamuna, Kaveri and Saraswati has regarded the Earth not as a resource to be extracted but as a living mother to be honoured. Sanskrit invocation Mata Bhoomi Putro Aham Prithivyah (The Earth is my mother, and I am her son) from the Atharva Veda is not a poetic metaphor. It is a way of life. Nature as the Sacred: The Scriptural Foundation Hindu Dharma has embedded environmental consciousness into the very architecture of daily living. Puranas personify every river as a goddess, every forest as an abode of divinity, and every animal as either a vahana of a deity or a manifestation of Brahman itself. Bhagavata Purana speaks of Prakriti (Mother Nature) as the manifest form of the divine feminine, deserving reverence and protection. Arthashastra of Kautilya, written over two millennia ago, laid down detailed regulations for forest conservation, protection of wildlife, and management of water bodies. The concept of Panchabhuta, the five elements of earth, water, fire, air and ether, is not an abstract philosophy but a lived framework that reminds every Bharatiya (Indian) that the human body and the cosmos are composed of the same sacred matter. The tradition of sacred groves, known as Dev Vans, spread across Bharat from Rajasthan’s orans to the sacred forests of Kerala and the jaheras of Jharkhand, long predating any modern conservation legislation. Every neem tree, every peepal, every tulsi plant carries spiritual significance, and this significance was the original and most effective form of ecological protection. The river was not merely a water source; she was the Mother and to pollute her was not merely an environmental offence but a sacrilege. Bharatiya Lifestyle as Ecological Practice The daily routine prescribed by the Shastras (the Dinacharya) is, in ecological terms, an extraordinarily low-footprint way of living. Early rising in tune with natural light cycles, minimal consumption, food governed by the seasons, zero-waste cooking using every part of a vegetable, the use of clay pots for water and community sharing of resources were not marks of poverty. These were expressions of a profound understanding that the Earth’s bounty is finite and must be returned to, not merely extracted from. The Paryavaran Gatividhi (Environmental Action) of the world’s largest volunteer organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has given this ancient wisdom an organised and modern expression in recent years. Inspired by the Bharatiya outlook of the RSS, the Ek Thaila, Ek Thali (One Bag, One Plate) campaign, launched during the Prayagraj Maha Kumbh 2025, aimed to make the largest human gathering on earth plastic-free and eco-friendly by promoting the use of steel plates and cloth bags as alternatives to single-use plastics. The results were not symbolic gestures. According to the RSS Annual Report 2024–25, usage of disposable items was reduced by 80% to 85%, and it is estimated that INR 3.5 crore (INR 35 million) was saved per day through this zero-budget community initiative alone. The experiment had been tested earlier: the use of pattals (plates made from leaves) was first successfully implemented during the Haridwar Kumbh in 2020, replacing single-use plastic plates entirely. The Paryavaran Sanrakshan Gatividhi (Environment Preservation Action), inspired by the RSS, recently led a cleanliness and awareness campaign across eleven ghats of the Yamuna in Delhi, with people volunteering on their own initiative and not through official summons or advertisements. The campaign carries a powerful civilisational message: that environmental protection is not the responsibility of the state alone, but a collective, community-rooted and spiritually motivated act. RSS’s Panch Parivartan (Five Reforms) programme for its centenary year identifies Paryavaran (environmental awareness) as one of five key pillars of social transformation, alongside social harmony, family strengthening, the insistence on Swa (selfhood) and civic duty. This is not environmentalism borrowed from Western discourse. This is Dharma, the eternal righteousness, in action. What the modern West discovered through ecological catastrophe, that nature has limits, that extraction has consequences, that the human being is not the measure of all things, the Dharmic traditions held as first principles, inscribed in ritual, in seasonal worship, in the very grammar of how a farmer addressed the earth before breaking it. They were articulating a cosmological fact: that the human being is not a sovereign individual standing apart from nature, but a thread woven into a living, breathing whole. Contrast with the Western World It is here that the starkest moral and political contradiction of our times must be named without hesitation. Britain, the United States, Germany, France and the broader Western bloc consumed the world’s carbon budget over two centuries of industrialisation. These nations built their wealth by relentlessly burning fossil fuels, destroying forests, polluting rivers and colonising the natural resources of the very Global South they now lecture about “sustainable development.” The Industrial Revolution was not an act of ecological innocence; it was a civilisational choice to prioritise profit over Prakriti (the primordial creative energy, or nature) and the entire planet is now paying for it. The principle of “Common but Differentiated Responsibilities,” the acknowledgement that countries that have polluted for far longer than others must free up carbon space for poorer nations to develop, has been broadly agreed upon for decades. Yet hard commitment and investment have been consistently lacking from richer countries. The promise by rich countries to support developing nations with annual financial transfers of US$100 billion annually for climate action, which was supposed to begin in 2020, became a glaring failure, a broken pledge that has undermined global trust. Developing countries’ climate commitments are explicitly conditional on receiving not only funding but also clean technology from those richer states that will enable them to decarbonise, yet technology transfer remains an unfulfilled promise. At COP29, the new climate finance goal agreed upon, US$300 billion annually by 2035, still falls far short of what

Bharat Disinformation Hindus Misinformation Security

228

Why Spew Venom Against RSS & Hindus?

Self-styled Christian lobbyists’ campaign against Hindus outreach in US & Europe has not worked even with scaremongering and demonization tactics. Aniket Pingley There is a genre of writing immune to journalistic standards in gathering evidence, retaining balance and complete disclosure. It is the opinion piece. In its honest form, it declares a position and argues it. In its dishonest form, it uses the opinion format as legal exemption, a space where alarming assertions are made, dehumanising imagery deployed and contested allegations stated as settled fact, all under the protective cover of “these are merely my views.” John Dayal’s piece in UCA News, headlined, “The Indian paramilitary organization’s tentacles in the US,” is a distinguished specimen of the dishonest form. It is tactical scaremongering – calibrated to produce a specific emotional and political effect amongst a specific audience at a chosen moment in Washington lobbying calendar. The article makes claims about the RSS, Gujarat, lobbying firms, FCRA and about Indian-origin officials in the US government. I will not engage those claims here. They are matters of public record, available to any reader willing to search. Readers are capable of forming their own opinions about Gujarat 2002, Modi visa episode, Squire Patton Boggs and India’s FCRA regime. They do not need me to defend the RSS against Dayal’s version of events. What I will do is more useful: identify what this article actually is, what it is attempting at and why its final sentence, the most revealing sentence in the piece, tells the reader everything they need to know. Confession in last sentence Dayal ends his article with, “The RSS has money, access, a friendly executive environment, and the weight of geopolitics on its side, and for the moment seems able to counter the evangelical campaign.” Read it slowly. Counter the evangelical campaign. Not “respond to criticism.” Not “defend itself against allegations.” Counter the evangelical campaign. Dayal told his readers, in his own words, what this is actually about. There is an evangelical campaign, organised, funded and directed, targeting RSS in Washington DC. And, what is Dayal lamenting is that this campaign is not working. RSS is successfully countering it. This is the most important fact in the entire article and it appears in the last line, almost as an afterthought. Everything before it, the alarming language, assembled allegations, USCIRF references, lobbying firm drama, is the infrastructure in that evangelical campaign. The article is a dispatch from one side of an active lobbying contest, written by one of its participants, lamenting that the other side is holding ground. And, RSS has every right to hold its ground. USCIRF’s annual report is not scripture. It is not axiomatic truth. It is not a judicial finding. It is the output of an advisory commission whose India recommendations the US State Department has declined to act upon for six consecutive years, a fact Dayal buries in his final paragraph as if it were a footnote, rather than the most consequential sentence in his piece. American foreign policy operates on classified intelligence, diplomatic relationships and a comprehensive picture of the world that an advisory commission does not possess. What’s this Evangelical Campaign? The campaign Dayal laments, RSS is successfully countering, is a coordinated effort to have United States designate India as a Country of Particular Concern on religious freedom, impose targeted sanctions on RSS and restrict its members from entering the US. It runs through USCIRF, Congressional testimony, UN Special Rapporteur submissions and in coordination with International Christian Concern, National Association of Evangelicals and the Southern Baptist Convention’s Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission. Its substance: Christian organisations in India are being persecuted, FCRA restrictions choke Christian churches and anti-conversion laws are religious oppression. Each of these claims deserves a question Dayal never asks: why are there so many foreign-funded Christian organisations operating in India and what precisely are they doing? The answer is not theoretical. It is on the record. Compassion International (CI), a major US-based Christian child sponsorship charity that operated in India for 48 years, provides the most precise forensic answer available. In 2017, Indian Government placed CI on “prior permission” list under FCRA, requiring explicit case-by-case approval for every financial transaction, effectively halting flow of approximately $50 million annually. The government’s case rested on CBI First Information Report and Income Tax investigation into CI’s primary Indian affiliate, Chennai-based Caruna Bal Vikas (CBV). CBV was registered under FCRA with its legally declared nature of association as “economic, educational and social.” The CBI found it had, in its own documents, “invariably indulged in religious activities.” More precisely, in CBV’s own stated long-term organisational objective, the goal was “converting poor children into fulfilled Christian adults.” That is not a characterisation by the Indian government. It is what the organisation wrote about itself. Furthermore, CI was identified as part of an organised international missionary industry focused on what its own practitioners call “10-40 Window”, a geographic band encompassing majority of the world’s Hindus, Muslims and Buddhists, deliberately targeted as a conversion frontier. This is what the FCRA regime was responding to. Not the practice of Christianity, the Saint Thomas Christians of Kerala have worshipped in this land since the first century, and nobody has targeted them. What was being regulated is a specific, documented, foreign-funded, institutionally organised project of converting economically vulnerable children using charitable cover. When an organisation tells CBI investigators, through its own documents, that its goal is to convert poor children, it is not a policy concern. That is evidence. India’s state governments have enacted anti-conversion laws through elected legislative assemblies using constitutional procedures with clear majorities. These laws do not prohibit practice of Christianity. They regulate coercive, fraudulent or inducement-based conversions. Twelve states have enacted such legislation. That is Indian democratic federalism functioning as designed. Whether those laws are sound policy is a matter for Indian courts and voters, not for an American advisory commission whose mandate derives from US domestic legislation with no jurisdiction over a sovereign parliament. FCRA regime applies

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