Bharat Education Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

Futuristic Blueprint for Humanity

Panch Parivartan of RSS provides a transformative package for Bharat while communities globally could adopt the model. Vinod Kumar Shukla For its centennial events, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ideated on five core social transformative ideas as ‘Panch Parivartan’ (Five Transformations). Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony), Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Enlightenment), Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Environmental Protection), Nagrik Kartavya (Civic Duties) and Swa / Swadeshi (Self-Reliance) as areas into which the Hindu-centric organization would like to work on. These initiatives serve as tools to transform Bharat’s society and provide a template for global communities. These five transformative campaigns represent collective resolutions to prepare people of Bharat to deal with futuristic challenges. By fostering essential behavioural changes, they aim to drive national renaissance and build stronger, self-reliant Bharat: Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony) Pluralism is as old as the civilization of Bharat itself. It is a heritage where diverse ideas including contrarian philosophies and opposing viewpoints have not only been welcomed but have coexisted and flourished. People of Bharat are inherently seekers who engage in dialogue rather than denying or negating the very existence of others. Samajik Samrasta programme is to promote unity and eliminate discrimination based on caste, creed or social status to build an inclusive society. In an ancient civilization like Bharat, social realignments are periodic necessity. RSS vision of social harmony begins with breaking down caste and community barriers. This is exemplified by call for Hindus to share “one temple, one well and one crematorium,” effectively erasing caste segregation at its source. While this is a prominent example, continuous efforts are being made to extend support to every section of society that feels marginalized or left behind. Kutumb Prabodhan (Family Values) After the individual, family constitutes the most vital unit of any society or the nation. Family being foundational unit, nurturing strong familial values, healthy dialogue within the family members and constructive cultural traditions in the household is primary objective of Kutumb Prabodhan. Over time, the institution of the family has weakened due to various factors, facing a continuous onslaught from Western influences and those in Bharat swayed by them. RSS aims to strengthen this very institution, recognizing that a resilient family structure builds a robust society and consequently, a strong nation. In Bharat, family values are not viewed as a form of bondage; rather, they are the cornerstone of personal growth and social stability, nurturing responsible, compassionate citizens. Paryavaran Sanrakshan (Protection of Environment) Today, entire globe faces the fury of nature, a direct consequence of unimpeded exploitation of natural resources. Encouraging sustainable living, tree plantation and a lifestyle that respects nature is deeply embedded in Bharat’s civilizational ethos, where the earth, rivers, seas, air, water, trees, moon and sun are traditionally worshiped. In championing culture and civilization, RSS is simply advancing these ancient tenets that treat environmental protection as a cardinal rule of life. Through Panch Parivartan, RSS has made an “environment-friendly lifestyle” a core focus area. The message of Paryavaran Sanrakshan—saving water and using natural resources judiciously—is now transcending generations with each age group adopting its own methods to protect the planet. It represents a collective movement where different people take diverse paths toward a common cause. Selfhood & Self-Reliance (Swa) If there is anything that was severely eroded over past millennium, it was sentiment of Swa (Selfhood). Realizing essence of Swa is crucial; it begins with taking pride in indigenous roots, promoting local economies and embracing “Swadeshi” way of life as against western economic aggression. This is the core of being self-reliant and proudly Bharatiya. The element of Swa extends beyond economic independence to encompass cultural self-confidence. This principle is applied through a five-fold transformative agenda known as Panchamukhi Vikas, which focuses on Swa (Self-Reliance), Shiksha (Education), Swasthya (Health), Sanskar (Culture) and Artha (Economy). Civic Duty (Nagrik Kartavya) The citizens of Bharat are frequently criticized for a perceived lack of civic sense, which is vital for the transformation of any society. The RSS seeks to instil deep sense of duty among citizens, encouraging them to follow rule of law, adhere to constitutional obligations and maintain social decency apart from participation in societal governance. This also includes a citizen’s democratic duty to exercise their franchise during elections. While many people harbour cynicism toward “the system,” Panch Parivartan urges citizens to actively change the system from within instead of merely complaining. Among the five resolutions, Environmental Protection is the most critical for survival of mankind. The immediate priority is raising awareness about vital importance of environmental conservation and educating people on how to achieve it. As pressure on natural resources intensifies, several interventions have become urgent: protecting fresh drinking water bodies, undertaking large-scale afforestation to combat global warming, balancing oxygen levels, preventing soil erosion and eliminating single-use plastics to safeguard rivers, farmlands and oceans. The RSS seeks to address these challenges by blending traditional ecological practices with civic responsibility and community-driven movements. The greatest immediate challenge is rapid development-linked urbanization which leaves a heavy negative footprint on the environment. Western model of development has caused maximum ecological harm. In contrast, Bharat not only talks but proposes eco-friendly development models. It also proved by achieving its initial goal of reducing emissions intensity of its GDP by 33 –35 per cent well ahead of 2030 deadline and has since escalated its ambition, targeting a 47 per cent reduction by 2035. However, global progress on this is hindered by a long-standing schism between developed and developing nations. Many developed countries are reluctant to compromise or deviate from high-emission paths that initially secured their wealth. Consequently, developing nations are being pressured to reduce their carbon footprints disproportionately while others falter—such as the United States’ past withdrawal from climate agreements. The list of faltering nations is long. Denying access to eco-friendly technologies and funding arrangements by the stubborn Western leadership is yet again an issue Bharat not only abides by Paris Agreement but advocates for a sustainable development model that rejects aggressive consumerism. This model aligns with ancient Indian wisdom, which emphasizes that humanity is an integral

Artificial Intelligence Bharat Business Economy Technology

Swadeshi Goes Hi-Tech!

‘Swa’ and Bharat’s self-reliance in advanced technology areas is a reality, domestic nuclear power campaign to fuel energy security. Dr Upender Krishen Saroop Swadeshi way of life carries a very deep and broader meaning. One must first understand Self (Swa) inherent in the word “Swadeshi.” ‘Swa’ has three foundational dimensions that have given Bharat a distinct identity and personality. When these three dimensions find natural expression in our personal, familial, professional, social and national life, only then can that way of living be truly called Swadeshi way of life in fullest sense. Bharat’s first and most fundamental concept of ‘Swa’ is spirituality. As Bharatiya worldview is rooted in spirituality, it is integral (Ekatma) and holistic (Sarvangeen). Bharat perceives the entire creation as interconnected, and it is from this that idea of “world is one family” (Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam) emanates. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) advocates Swadeshi (economic and cultural self-reliance) as outward manifestation of this unique concept, ‘Swa’ and a core pillar of national reconstruction. Championed through its socio-political affiliates, this philosophy shapes domestic policies, promotes indigenous industries and re-centres Bharat’s cultural identity. Rooted in the philosophy propounded by RSS ideologue Deendayal Upadhyaya, Swadeshi goes beyond economics to encompass cultural and spiritual self-reliance that ingrains holistic human development over unchecked consumerist globalisation. RSS promotes a native economic model that avoids both hyper-capitalism and state-controlled socialism, emphasizing on sustainable development, small-scale industries and maintaining environmental balance. The organization advocates protection of traditional familial structures, local community bonds and promotion of mother tongues and indigenous lifestyles. The Swadeshi concept forms ideological bedrock for major national campaigns. It heavily aligns with Bharat government’s Atmanirbhar Bharat (Self-Reliant India) and “Vocal for Local” initiatives which aim to empower domestic manufacturers and boost locally made products. India’s successful Swadeshi designed Nuclear reactor: India has marked a major milestone in its nuclear energy programme. The indigenously designed and built Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor (PFBR) at Kalpakkam in Tamil Nadu successfully attained first criticality on April 6, 2026, marking initiation of a sustained nuclear chain reaction. This PFBR is 500 MW reactor built by Bharatiya Nabhikiya Vidyut Nigam Limited (BHAVINI) at the Kalpakkam Nuclear Complex. With this feat, Bharat has entered second stage of its three-stage nuclear power campaign, first conceived by Dr. Homi Jehangir Bhabha, the architect of domestic nuclear programme. The milestone carries substantial global significance. Once fully operational, India will become only the second country in the world after Russia to operate a commercial fast breeder reactor. This milestone is testament to decades of scientific effort led by Department of Atomic Energy. It also marks a significant step in India’s clean energy journey, reinforcing the country’s commitment to reliable, low-carbon power. Additionally, it brings Bharat closer to realizing net zero emissions by 2070, a target set by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Three-stage nuclear power campaign India holds limited uranium reserves but one of the largest thorium deposits globally. To make the most of these resources, Department of Atomic Energy designed a three-stage nuclear power campaign built on a closed nuclear fuel cycle. The goal is to progressively multiply domestic fissile resources and secure long-term energy independence. Natural uranium is used as fuel in PHWRs to generate power. The spent fuel from these reactors produces plutonium which becomes primary input for the next stage. The plutonium obtained from Stage 1 is used as fuel in Fast Breeder Reactors which generate more fuel than they consume. PFBR at Kalpakkam marks Bharat’s entry into this stage. These reactors will be used to breed Uranium-233 from thorium, laying the groundwork for Stage 3. This stage will harness India’s vast thorium reserves at scale using Uranium-233 bred in Stage 2 as fuel. Thorium is considered a practically vast energy source and this stage holds the key to India’s long-term energy security. Each stage feeds into the next, making India’s nuclear programme one of the most forward-looking energy strategies in the world. PFBR: An Overview PFBR represents decades of indigenous research, design and engineering. Its technology was developed by Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research (IGCAR), an R&D centre under Department of Atomic Energy. Nuclear Power Landscape in India Bharat’s nuclear energy campaign has maintained steady presence in the country’s electricity mix. It now stands at a pivotal moment with significant expansion planned over coming years. Taken together, these numbers tell a clear story. Nuclear energy is no longer just a supplementary source of power in India. It is fast becoming cornerstone of the country’s clean energy future. Long-Term Mission Bharat has set sights on a significantly larger role for nuclear energy in its power mix. Government has announced Nuclear Energy Mission, outlined in Union Budget 2025–26, with the aim of achieving 100 GW nuclear power generation capacity by 2047. The mission also supports India’s broader goal of achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2070. The sector is under regulatory oversight, opening new avenues for collaboration and investment. India’s long-term nuclear vision is ambitious by design. With policy backing, dedicated funding and indigenous research at its core, country is building a nuclear future that is both self-reliant and globally significant. Conclusion Concept of Self Reliance or Atma nirbharta has its roots and inspiration from the concept of Swa and Swadeshi, an important paradigm for RSS. This is one of the five transformative ideas put forth in centenary year of RSS. Realm of Swadeshi has gone into high technology areas like Nuclear and solar energy to ensure energy security of our nation, space missions, defence equipment production, Semiconductors to name a few. The emergence of Bharat as an economic superpower based on ennobling values of peace and Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam is not only inevitable but desirable for the world which is torn apart in wars and violence. Bharat will provide the lead in this endeavour. (Author holds a doctorate in polymer technology from Indian Institute of Technology Delhi. He was a scientist in Shriram Institute for Industrial Research and formerly Vice President with Reliance Industries. Currently, he’s advisor to several packaging and polymer companies)

Bharat Hindus Kashmir Pakistan Security Technology

143

Kashmir’s Temple Heritage: A Testament to Bharat’s Enduring Civilization

The history of Kashmir is a tale of culture rather than just geography. The Valley fostered a distinctive intellectual, spiritual and cultural history for thousands of years that significantly influenced Bharat’s civilisational terrain. Kashmiri Hindu community consisting of intellectuals, philosophers, saints, poets and custodians of sanatan/dharmic knowledge whose presence established Kashmir’s cultural identity over centuries, stood at the heart of this legacy. For a displaced Kashmiri Hindu minority community, Kashmir Valley’s topography represents a sacred map of the spirit rather than just a set of physical coordinates. A 5,000-year-old civilisational continuum can be found in every mountain peak, freshwater spring (nag) and weathered stone facade. As opposed to “being seen as” two distinct geographies linked only by political boundaries, Kashmir and Bharat are integral parts of a single civilisational and dharmic ecosystem. Ideas, philosophies, texts, scholars, pilgrims and cultural customs moved freely between Kashmir and the rest of Bharat for millennia, enhancing a common civilisational consciousness. Kashmir Valley produced significant contributions to Shaivism, Sanskrit scholarship, aesthetics, philosophy and religious learning; it was not a peripheral frontier but rather one of the leading hubs of Bharatiya spiritual thinking. As a result, the history of Bharat and Kashmir are intricately interwoven, and the preservation of Bharat’s larger civilisational memory is inseparably related to the preservation of Kashmir’s legacy. Hundreds of ancient temples, shrines and historic sites were abandoned to stillness, overgrowth and the gradual deterioration of time when this link/bond was shattered by the mass ethnic cleansing and exodus of early 1990s. Temples of Kashmir, which are tucked away in the region’s breath-taking scenery, are timeless representations of spirituality, religion and cultural legacy. These hallowed locations serve as centres of devotion, meditation and cultural continuity while providing a deep link to Kashmir Valley’s historical past. Preserving historic neighbourhoods, sacred shrines, old temples and cultural landmarks connected to Kashmiri Hindu’s past has become an urgent priority. However, this endeavour is more than just preserving stones, buildings or archaeological remains; it is a crucial, emotional link that connects and preserves collective memory, reconnects identity and fulfils the long-term goals of a community committed to reclaiming its history and re-establishing ties between displaced generations and their ancestors. In this brief, CIHS is exploring the rich history, stunning architecture and profound spiritual importance of some of Kashmir’s most revered Hindu temples. Background One of the most amazing manifestations of Kashmir Valley’s long-standing spiritual and cultural legacy are its temples. Their multi-century history reflects the development of religious customs, artistic brilliance and innovative architecture in the Kashmir Valley. Many of these hallowed buildings date back to the early Common Era and some historians believe that the Kushan dynasty is when the first temples were built. Over time, Gandharan, Gupta and Central Asian artistic schools combined with rishi/sanatan customs, created a unique character of Kashmiri temple building. The ruins of a prosperous and long-lasting civilisation can be found all over the Valley. A living archive of Kashmir’s civilisational history is made up of ancient temples devoted to Shiva, Shakti, Vishnu and other deities; sacred springs and pilgrimage sites; traditional settlements; educational institutions and locations connected to well-regarded saints and scholars. Major Dynastic Contributions to Kashmiri Temple Architecture Dynasty Period Contribution Kushan Dynasty 1st–3rd century CE Early foundations of religious and artistic traditions in Kashmir. Karkota Dynasty 7th–9th century CE Golden age of temple construction; Martand and Naranag (or Naran Naag) temples. Utpala Dynasty 9th–10th century CE Construction of Avantiswami, Avantisvara and other major temples. Lohara Dynasty 10th–12th century CE Continued patronage of temples and religious institutions. Known as the “golden age” of Kashmir’s architectural and cultural accomplishments, the Karkota dynasty (7th–9th centuries CE) was a pivotal period in the development of temple architecture. Several large temples were built during this time, the most well-known of which being the Martand Sun Temple. A marvel of ancient Indian architecture, the temple was constructed in the eighth century by King Lalitaditya Muktapida and features a distinctive fusion of Gandharan, Gupta and regional Kashmiri design elements. The wealth and creative sophistication of the time are reflected in its enormous size and fine craftsmanship. Subsequent Utpala dynasty (9th–10th centuries CE) substantially enhanced Kashmir’s sacred landscape by building and supporting significant holy sites. Shankaracharya, one of the most treasured temple, is situated on a hilltop with a view over Srinagar. This historic shrine, devoted to Bhagwan Shiva, has long been a hub of spiritual devotion and pilgrimage, providing both religious importance and expansive vistas of the Valley. Shadipur in Kashmir Valley, also known as “Chota Prayagraj,” is a spiritual reflection of Prayagraj, the sacred confluence of the Ganga, Yamuna and Saraswati. Nestled amid the serene landscapes, Shadipur marks the sacred confluence of Jhelum and Sind rivers, mirroring the spiritual significance of the Triveni Sangam at Prayagraj. Similar to pilgrims at the Kumbh in Prayagraj, Kashmiri Hindus have flocked here for generations to carry out religious observances, ancestral rites and holy dips. Every twelve years, the place holds the Dashar Maha Kumbh, a distinctive Kashmiri custom that attracts people not only from Kashmir but all over Bharat. Shadipora’s “Chota Kumbh” highlights Kashmir Valley’s unique spiritual legacy, signifying the Valley’s deep-rooted connection to Hindu civilisation and pilgrimage network. From the Vitasta-Sindh Sangam in Kashmir to the Ganga-Yamuna Sangam in the center of Bharat, they collectively exhibit a common cultural continuum. Shaivite academics, priests and saints who worshipped at the holy Chinar island and Shiva Lingam at the sacred confluence have long been connected to the place. Shadipora Prayag has been a respected pilgrimage site for centuries, from ancient Kashmiri sages and Shaivite intellectuals to Maharaja Hari Singh and generations of Kashmiri Hindus. The mortal remains of national luminaries like Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Atal Bihari Vajpayee have also been found at the sacred confluence, demonstrating its special place in Kashmir’s spiritual and cultural legacy. Numerous temples in Kashmir have suffered ravages of invasions, natural disasters and political upheavals throughout history. They remain timeless representations of the region’s robust cultural and spiritual heritage despite these

Bharat Environment

141

Victory to Mother Nature: Bharatiya Way and the Crisis of the Earth

By N. C. Bipindra As World Environment Day is observed on June 5, it is worth pausing to ask a fundamental question: why is the world scrambling to rediscover what Bharat (India) has always known? While the United Nations frames environmental protection as an urgent modern challenge, the civilisation that has flourished on the banks of the Sindhu, Ganga, Yamuna, Kaveri and Saraswati has regarded the Earth not as a resource to be extracted but as a living mother to be honoured. Sanskrit invocation Mata Bhoomi Putro Aham Prithivyah (The Earth is my mother, and I am her son) from the Atharva Veda is not a poetic metaphor. It is a way of life. Nature as the Sacred: The Scriptural Foundation Hindu Dharma has embedded environmental consciousness into the very architecture of daily living. Puranas personify every river as a goddess, every forest as an abode of divinity, and every animal as either a vahana of a deity or a manifestation of Brahman itself. Bhagavata Purana speaks of Prakriti (Mother Nature) as the manifest form of the divine feminine, deserving reverence and protection. Arthashastra of Kautilya, written over two millennia ago, laid down detailed regulations for forest conservation, protection of wildlife, and management of water bodies. The concept of Panchabhuta, the five elements of earth, water, fire, air and ether, is not an abstract philosophy but a lived framework that reminds every Bharatiya (Indian) that the human body and the cosmos are composed of the same sacred matter. The tradition of sacred groves, known as Dev Vans, spread across Bharat from Rajasthan’s orans to the sacred forests of Kerala and the jaheras of Jharkhand, long predating any modern conservation legislation. Every neem tree, every peepal, every tulsi plant carries spiritual significance, and this significance was the original and most effective form of ecological protection. The river was not merely a water source; she was the Mother and to pollute her was not merely an environmental offence but a sacrilege. Bharatiya Lifestyle as Ecological Practice The daily routine prescribed by the Shastras (the Dinacharya) is, in ecological terms, an extraordinarily low-footprint way of living. Early rising in tune with natural light cycles, minimal consumption, food governed by the seasons, zero-waste cooking using every part of a vegetable, the use of clay pots for water and community sharing of resources were not marks of poverty. These were expressions of a profound understanding that the Earth’s bounty is finite and must be returned to, not merely extracted from. The Paryavaran Gatividhi (Environmental Action) of the world’s largest volunteer organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has given this ancient wisdom an organised and modern expression in recent years. Inspired by the Bharatiya outlook of the RSS, the Ek Thaila, Ek Thali (One Bag, One Plate) campaign, launched during the Prayagraj Maha Kumbh 2025, aimed to make the largest human gathering on earth plastic-free and eco-friendly by promoting the use of steel plates and cloth bags as alternatives to single-use plastics. The results were not symbolic gestures. According to the RSS Annual Report 2024–25, usage of disposable items was reduced by 80% to 85%, and it is estimated that INR 3.5 crore (INR 35 million) was saved per day through this zero-budget community initiative alone. The experiment had been tested earlier: the use of pattals (plates made from leaves) was first successfully implemented during the Haridwar Kumbh in 2020, replacing single-use plastic plates entirely. The Paryavaran Sanrakshan Gatividhi (Environment Preservation Action), inspired by the RSS, recently led a cleanliness and awareness campaign across eleven ghats of the Yamuna in Delhi, with people volunteering on their own initiative and not through official summons or advertisements. The campaign carries a powerful civilisational message: that environmental protection is not the responsibility of the state alone, but a collective, community-rooted and spiritually motivated act. RSS’s Panch Parivartan (Five Reforms) programme for its centenary year identifies Paryavaran (environmental awareness) as one of five key pillars of social transformation, alongside social harmony, family strengthening, the insistence on Swa (selfhood) and civic duty. This is not environmentalism borrowed from Western discourse. This is Dharma, the eternal righteousness, in action. What the modern West discovered through ecological catastrophe, that nature has limits, that extraction has consequences, that the human being is not the measure of all things, the Dharmic traditions held as first principles, inscribed in ritual, in seasonal worship, in the very grammar of how a farmer addressed the earth before breaking it. They were articulating a cosmological fact: that the human being is not a sovereign individual standing apart from nature, but a thread woven into a living, breathing whole. Contrast with the Western World It is here that the starkest moral and political contradiction of our times must be named without hesitation. Britain, the United States, Germany, France and the broader Western bloc consumed the world’s carbon budget over two centuries of industrialisation. These nations built their wealth by relentlessly burning fossil fuels, destroying forests, polluting rivers and colonising the natural resources of the very Global South they now lecture about “sustainable development.” The Industrial Revolution was not an act of ecological innocence; it was a civilisational choice to prioritise profit over Prakriti (the primordial creative energy, or nature) and the entire planet is now paying for it. The principle of “Common but Differentiated Responsibilities,” the acknowledgement that countries that have polluted for far longer than others must free up carbon space for poorer nations to develop, has been broadly agreed upon for decades. Yet hard commitment and investment have been consistently lacking from richer countries. The promise by rich countries to support developing nations with annual financial transfers of US$100 billion annually for climate action, which was supposed to begin in 2020, became a glaring failure, a broken pledge that has undermined global trust. Developing countries’ climate commitments are explicitly conditional on receiving not only funding but also clean technology from those richer states that will enable them to decarbonise, yet technology transfer remains an unfulfilled promise. At COP29, the new climate finance goal agreed upon, US$300 billion annually by 2035, still falls far short of what

Bharat Disinformation Hindus Misinformation Security

173

Why Spew Venom Against RSS & Hindus?

Self-styled Christian lobbyists’ campaign against Hindus outreach in US & Europe has not worked even with scaremongering and demonization tactics. Aniket Pingley There is a genre of writing immune to journalistic standards in gathering evidence, retaining balance and complete disclosure. It is the opinion piece. In its honest form, it declares a position and argues it. In its dishonest form, it uses the opinion format as legal exemption, a space where alarming assertions are made, dehumanising imagery deployed and contested allegations stated as settled fact, all under the protective cover of “these are merely my views.” John Dayal’s piece in UCA News, headlined, “The Indian paramilitary organization’s tentacles in the US,” is a distinguished specimen of the dishonest form. It is tactical scaremongering – calibrated to produce a specific emotional and political effect amongst a specific audience at a chosen moment in Washington lobbying calendar. The article makes claims about the RSS, Gujarat, lobbying firms, FCRA and about Indian-origin officials in the US government. I will not engage those claims here. They are matters of public record, available to any reader willing to search. Readers are capable of forming their own opinions about Gujarat 2002, Modi visa episode, Squire Patton Boggs and India’s FCRA regime. They do not need me to defend the RSS against Dayal’s version of events. What I will do is more useful: identify what this article actually is, what it is attempting at and why its final sentence, the most revealing sentence in the piece, tells the reader everything they need to know. Confession in last sentence Dayal ends his article with, “The RSS has money, access, a friendly executive environment, and the weight of geopolitics on its side, and for the moment seems able to counter the evangelical campaign.” Read it slowly. Counter the evangelical campaign. Not “respond to criticism.” Not “defend itself against allegations.” Counter the evangelical campaign. Dayal told his readers, in his own words, what this is actually about. There is an evangelical campaign, organised, funded and directed, targeting RSS in Washington DC. And, what is Dayal lamenting is that this campaign is not working. RSS is successfully countering it. This is the most important fact in the entire article and it appears in the last line, almost as an afterthought. Everything before it, the alarming language, assembled allegations, USCIRF references, lobbying firm drama, is the infrastructure in that evangelical campaign. The article is a dispatch from one side of an active lobbying contest, written by one of its participants, lamenting that the other side is holding ground. And, RSS has every right to hold its ground. USCIRF’s annual report is not scripture. It is not axiomatic truth. It is not a judicial finding. It is the output of an advisory commission whose India recommendations the US State Department has declined to act upon for six consecutive years, a fact Dayal buries in his final paragraph as if it were a footnote, rather than the most consequential sentence in his piece. American foreign policy operates on classified intelligence, diplomatic relationships and a comprehensive picture of the world that an advisory commission does not possess. What’s this Evangelical Campaign? The campaign Dayal laments, RSS is successfully countering, is a coordinated effort to have United States designate India as a Country of Particular Concern on religious freedom, impose targeted sanctions on RSS and restrict its members from entering the US. It runs through USCIRF, Congressional testimony, UN Special Rapporteur submissions and in coordination with International Christian Concern, National Association of Evangelicals and the Southern Baptist Convention’s Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission. Its substance: Christian organisations in India are being persecuted, FCRA restrictions choke Christian churches and anti-conversion laws are religious oppression. Each of these claims deserves a question Dayal never asks: why are there so many foreign-funded Christian organisations operating in India and what precisely are they doing? The answer is not theoretical. It is on the record. Compassion International (CI), a major US-based Christian child sponsorship charity that operated in India for 48 years, provides the most precise forensic answer available. In 2017, Indian Government placed CI on “prior permission” list under FCRA, requiring explicit case-by-case approval for every financial transaction, effectively halting flow of approximately $50 million annually. The government’s case rested on CBI First Information Report and Income Tax investigation into CI’s primary Indian affiliate, Chennai-based Caruna Bal Vikas (CBV). CBV was registered under FCRA with its legally declared nature of association as “economic, educational and social.” The CBI found it had, in its own documents, “invariably indulged in religious activities.” More precisely, in CBV’s own stated long-term organisational objective, the goal was “converting poor children into fulfilled Christian adults.” That is not a characterisation by the Indian government. It is what the organisation wrote about itself. Furthermore, CI was identified as part of an organised international missionary industry focused on what its own practitioners call “10-40 Window”, a geographic band encompassing majority of the world’s Hindus, Muslims and Buddhists, deliberately targeted as a conversion frontier. This is what the FCRA regime was responding to. Not the practice of Christianity, the Saint Thomas Christians of Kerala have worshipped in this land since the first century, and nobody has targeted them. What was being regulated is a specific, documented, foreign-funded, institutionally organised project of converting economically vulnerable children using charitable cover. When an organisation tells CBI investigators, through its own documents, that its goal is to convert poor children, it is not a policy concern. That is evidence. India’s state governments have enacted anti-conversion laws through elected legislative assemblies using constitutional procedures with clear majorities. These laws do not prohibit practice of Christianity. They regulate coercive, fraudulent or inducement-based conversions. Twelve states have enacted such legislation. That is Indian democratic federalism functioning as designed. Whether those laws are sound policy is a matter for Indian courts and voters, not for an American advisory commission whose mandate derives from US domestic legislation with no jurisdiction over a sovereign parliament. FCRA regime applies

Bharat Bangladesh Defence Policy Security

178

Securing Bharat the Right Way!

Smart borders management with several layers, underground optical fibre sensors, UAV surveillance to curb infiltration; Mission to deal with demographics, fence entire Bangladesh border. Vinod Kumar Shukla Nehru-Liaqat pact had provisions for Muslims migrating to East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) to return till December 31, 1950 if they wished to by offering them many norms that favoured them only. Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee resigned from Nehru government in protest. But this pampering combined with unabashed appeasement continued. Infiltrators, illegal Muslims and Rohigyas have never witnessed in West Bengal what they have experienced ever since BJP came to power. For West Bengal, It took too long to realise the dream of Dr Mukherjee as people were deceived by three fallacious arguments: First, if India behaves responsibly, majority in the neighbourhood would behave similarly; Second some concessions (privileges) to Muslims were necessary for confidence building and putting balm on their sores like retaining Muslim Personnel Law etc., especially by leaders like Jawahar Lal Nehru and pseudo-intellectuals who claim to be inheritors of his school of thought and Third that was subtle, unspoken but obvious that decision against Pakistan and Bangladesh even for protecting interest of Bharat may be seen as fretting Muslims impacting vote bank. Against this backdrop, their activities were overlooked which had its maximum bearing on infiltration from Bangladesh. Though it has got nothing to do with Indian Muslims rather impacting them adversely, people not only shied away from speaking against it but deny any such thing happening. Most of the border districts of Bharat along Bangladesh have been witnessing upsurge in Muslim population which is certainly not organic. Situation has gone so bad that infiltrators can be found everywhere in Bharat. On July 14, 2004, the then Minister of State for Home Sriprakash Jaiswal told Rajya Sabha that there were over 1.2 crores illegal Bangladeshis in Bharat. This was bound to create controversy, so numbers were withdrawn saying that they were ‘unreliable’. This was obviously done to save Muslim vote bank of the then Congress government. The government changed in 2014 and in November 2016, the then Minister of State for Home Kiren Rijiju informed Upper House that there were approximately two crore infiltrators. The biggest worry is that these infiltrators are not only usurping resources, jobs but pose serious security threats to people and Bharat. The impact of demographic change is endorsed by census data. Between 1951 and 2011, Muslims grew by 4.4 percentage points to 14.2 per cent while Hindus declined by 4.3 points to 79.8 per ccnt. Hindus were 84.1 per cent and Muslims 9.8 per cent in 1951. Most frightening story is that the menace of border districts has now reached every nook and corner of Bharat from big cities to remote villages including reserve forests by encroaching government, forest, Railways, defence lands, river catchment areas and deserted historical monuments. It has made Hindus minority in nine states and Union Territories out of total 36; 200 out of 800 Tehsils and 1500 out of 6000 villages across the country. This was stated before Supreme Court through a public interest petition filed in 2020. Military intervention and diplomatic support from Bharat led to carving out of Bangladesh as over one crore refugees were given shelter in Bharat. But, the bonhomie did not last and selfish intent was exposed sooner than later with relations deteriorating even in the mid-1970s due to military junta taking reins in Bangladesh with issues like border disputes, insurgency and infiltration and water-sharing cropping up. The reason however was radical Islamic organisations especially Jamaat e Islami whose umbilical cord is still in Pakistan continued with its hate mongering. Bharat tried to improve relations by signing 2015 Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) which resolved decades-old border disputes. Both the countries agreed on Coordinated Border Management Plans (CBMP) in 2011 to curb infiltration, human trafficking, cattle smuggling and cross-border crime. But issues like equitable sharing of waters from 54 common rivers, border management and trade issues remained inconclusive. Bilateral trade reached $13.51 billion with Bharat extending Lines of Credit worth $8 billion for development of infrastructure, railways and ports. Enhanced connectivity included cross-border rail links between Agartala–Akhaura and the use of Bangladeshi ports, Chittagong and Mongla for cargo of Bharat. Besides, Bangladesh has a huge dependency, 1160 MW electricity required to be fed from Bharat’s grid. Bharat helped East Pakistan to liberate itself from tyranny of Pakistan but the irony is that radicals are unwilling to recognize the historical facts leading to formation of mukti vahini and then the liberation. A statement issued by seven-party alliance on December 19, 1984 asserted that Bangladesh came into being through a bloody war waged by its valiant freedom fighters and people. The statement said that this heroic achievement was in no way the victory of the Armed forces of Bharat over erstwhile East Pakistan. RNP Singh, a former Intelligence Bureau officer in his book ‘Bangladesh Decoded’, writes, “It is a surprise that within such a short time people of Bangladesh were swayed away by anti-India campaign without pondering over the facts that India had come to rescue them when they were virtually being butchered…” Concessions given to Bangladesh and Pakistan appear to be mistake of the then government as infiltration and many other issues still persist. Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw’s observation on Shimla Agreement who had won the 1971 war for Bharat was, “Bhutto made monkey out of India.” Whether democratic governments under Awami League or BNP or Martial Law, minorities in Bangladesh were constantly persecuted, temples desecrated, women raped, men killed and families converted as organisations like Jamaat e Islami always cocked a snook at law. Probably to avenge 1971 humiliation, Z A Bhutto kept on trying to cause differences between Bharat and Bangladesh. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was invited to attend heads of Muslim States conference at Lahore in Pakistan in 1974. For economic benefits, Awami League government started cultivating Middle-East countries. Jamaat leader Ghulam Azam prevailed upon the Awami League government to remove Constitutional obstacles imposed against

Bharat China Geopolitics Politics United States

203

G-2 Emerge to Bharat’s Discomfort

Trump – Xi Beijing Summit 2026 resets US – China ties, calibrates business deals involving Boeing & chips pushing Bharat to look for its own rhythm. N. C. Bipindra The two most powerful leaders on earth met in Beijing on May 14 and 15, 2026. The world watched. So did New Delhi. This was only the second face-to-face summit of Donald Trump’s second term and first US presidential state visit to China since Trump himself made the trip in 2017. Trump-Xi summit was billed as a potential turning point in one of the most consequential bilateral relationships in modern history. In the end, the outcome was largely characterised as stabilising rather than transformational, heavy on symbolism and light on substance. But for India, even a modest recalibration between Washington and Beijing carries profound strategic implications. Most significant conceptual outcome of the summit was the agreement by both sides to build a “constructive China – US relationship of strategic stability,” according to Beijing’s official readout. Xi Jinping framed this as a governing framework for next three years, a deliberate attempt to convert Trump’s transactional deal-making instincts into a more durable operating baseline for US-China relations, one that would constrain even the next American president. On the economic front, the leaders agreed to preserve and extend the fragile trade truce brokered in South Korea in October 2025. In Beijing, China committed to purchasing at least $ 17 billion in US agricultural goods annually through 2028 along with soybean purchase commitments made in October 2025. China agreed to buy 200 Boeing aircraft, notably fewer than 500 planes Trump had floated ahead of the visit contributing to four per cent drop in Boeing shares. The US readout mentioned Chinese commitments to address shortages of rare earth elements including yttrium, scandium, neodymium, and indium. Beijing’s readout was conspicuously silent on this. Reports also emerged that US approved around ten Chinese technology companies to purchase Nvidia’s advanced H200 chips sending tech stocks higher though the sales may not fully materialise given China’s push for domestic semiconductor self-sufficiency. Xi reserved his sharpest language for Taiwan, warning that mishandling the issue would put the US – China relationship into “great jeopardy.” While American readout of the summit did not mention Taiwan at all which in itself is a striking omission, Trump later revealed an in-depth conversation with Xi about potential US military involvement in a possible Taiwan Strait crisis. Taiwan, meanwhile, has been watching nervously for any signs that Trump might soften US policy commitments in exchange for Chinese concessions elsewhere. Regarding Iran war which had delayed the summit by over a month, both sides agreed that the Strait of Hormuz must remain open and that Iran must never acquire nuclear weapons. Xi expressed China’s willingness “to be of help” in brokering a resolution and pledged not to send military equipment to Iran. However, Beijing’s public readout declined to echo many of these commitments and no breakthrough framework regarding Iran emerged. China may exert quiet influence on Tehran in the coming weeks but little will be visible publicly. Perhaps most concrete outcome was the agreement to meet again. Xi is invited to Washington for an official state visit on September 24, his first in more than a decade. Further meetings in Shenzhen in November and at G-20 in Miami in December are also on the calendar suggesting both sides see the diplomatic channel as worth maintaining, even if the substantive gaps remain wide. For India, the Beijing summit is not a bilateral event happening at a comfortable distance. It is a direct variable in New Delhi’s most sensitive strategic calculations. India has long benefited from US-China tensions. Washington’s pivot to position India as a counterbalance to China in the Indo-Pacific brought strategic partnerships, defence technology transfers, and elevated India’s role in the Quad alongside the US, Japan, and Australia. But India now has a different worry: the revival of a so-called “G2” dynamic, a Washington-Beijing axis that sidelines middle powers like India. The three-year “strategic stability” framework agreed in Beijing feeds this anxiety precisely. One of the most tangible economic stakes for India is its emergence as an alternative manufacturing and sourcing destination for Western companies seeking to reduce China exposure. If US – China tensions ease significantly and particularly if American firms are incentivised to re-engage with China through summit-level deal-making, the urgency for supply-chain diversification toward India could diminish. The Nvidia chip deal and Boeing order, if they solidify, signal willingness in Washington to deepen commercial ties with Beijing rather than decisively redirect them. The relationship between Washington and New Delhi has itself been under strain. Trump’s administration imposed punitive secondary tariffs on India over its purchases of Russian oil even as China continued buying the same oil without an equivalent penalty. The diplomatic fallout pushed India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi to engage more openly with Beijing and Moscow including at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit. Xi’s declaration that it is “time for the dragon and elephant to dance together” was not just rhetoric. It was a strategic signal that Beijing sees an opportunity in India’s alienation from Washington. China’s dominance over rare earth processing remains one of India’s most pressing concerns. Beijing controls the midstream supply chains for minerals critical to semiconductors, defence systems and clean energy technology. The summit’s ambiguous outcome on rare earth access, acknowledged by Washington, ignored by Beijing leaves this leverage firmly in Chinese hands. For India, which is developing its own rare earth processing capacity but remains years from self-sufficiency, a US – China deal that quietly restores Chinese mineral exports to American firms could undercut the very supply-chain diversification argument that benefits Indian industrial ambitions. The South China Sea, a flashpoint that directly concerns India’s maritime interests and regional partners in ASEAN, was largely absent from public summit readouts. The lack of any strong US statement on freedom of navigation or territorial integrity in the region may embolden Chinese assertiveness, directly affecting Indian interests in maintaining a rules-based Indo-Pacific

Bharat Hindus Judiciary Leadership Policy

216

Bhojshala Verdict: Constitutional and Historical Perspectives

On May 15, 2026, the Indore Bench of the Madhya Pradesh High Court delivered a historic decision recognizing the Bhojshala complex as the temple of Goddess Vagdevi (Saraswati), overturning 2003 dual-use arrangement barring namaz on Fridays inside the site. Court established an evidence-based system for resolving heritage disputes based on the ASI’s 2024 scientific study, historical evidence connecting the site to Raja Bhoj’s Paramara-era Sanskrit learning center and the persistence of Hindu worship while allowing the Muslim community to seek alternate site for a mosque in the Dhar area. The decision, which prioritises historical and archeological evidence over administrative compromise, is a significant development in India’s heritage jurisprudence.

Bharat Disinformation International Media Misinformation News World

256

The Oslo Press Incidents

On 18 May 2026, Norwegian commentator Helle Lyng of Dagsavisen heckled Prime Minister Narendra Modi at a joint press appearance with Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre in Oslo. That same morning, Aftenposten, Norway’s newspaper of record, had published a curtain-raiser caricature depicting Modi as a snake charmer. This report situates both incidents within four interlocking structures. First, a colonial visual grammar with documented antecedents in The New York Times (2014) and La Vanguardia (2022). Second, the methodology of the World Press Freedom Index, on which India’s 2026 ranking of 157 of 180 rests: a sentiment survey of selected respondents per country, applied to a press environment of 146,045 newspapers, 903 broadcasters, and 22 official languages. Third, the transatlantic funding ecosystem that sustains and shapes Europe’s India narrative, traced from George Soros’s Open Society Institute and Norway’s Fritt Ord in 2008, through the Rausing-Baldwin estate’s Arcadia commitment in 2021, to the European Commission’s emergence as the largest single donor by 2025. Fourth, Norway’s own documented record of Norwegianization, assimilation, and abuse against Native and minority populations, audited by the Storting in November 2024, ongoing in the Fosen case, and recorded in approximately sixty-five Barnevernet judgments at Strasbourg. The report concludes that the index, the journalist, and the publication that converged on Modi in Oslo are not three independent witnesses but three institutional outputs of one ideologically coherent ecosystem, and that India’s response that evening exposed that ecosystem for what it is. Download & Read Full Report:

Bharat Business Hindus Technology World

204

Artificial Intelligence: Dronacharya of Our Time

Siddharth Sehgal In Mahabharata, Eklavya, if explained in modern terms, was an archery aspirant from a disenfranchised section of society at the time; he wanted to study under Dronacharya, who only taught the princes from the royal household. So he took it upon himself to master the art under the symbolic tutelage of Dronacharya’s statue that he carved. His story highlights three key points that are relevant to current context. First, an underprivileged background cannot hold someone back if they have the dedication and will to put in the effort. Second, someone’s background can impede his or her progress despite the talent, an unfortunate fact that is true to this day. Third, Dronacharya was the “technological advantage” of his era that enabled students like Arjuna, Bheema and Duryodhana to excel in warfare. AI is the technical advantage today and it increases asymmetry in favour of students who have access to this technology and can leverage it in the exam-heavy Indian education system. Consider a scenario: a son or daughter of a tech executive who is preparing for NEET will be able to augment his exam preparation using Large Language Models (LLMs) like Claude, ChatGPT or Gemini; whereas son of a poor farmer in Madhya Pradesh may have limited access to devices like laptops or mobile phones and may not be aware of maximizing output from an AI app. This is where the gap between students from haves and have-nots becomes significant when we consider the fact that we have millions of families in Bharat that live below the poverty line. In fact, speaking from personal experience of preparing for a certification exam, I realized that my preparation time was reduced by half when I started interacting with LLMs to work on my weak areas. The model not only corrected mistakes but provided specific inputs on how I can try other ways to improve my performance. In a sense, it became my Dronacharya, so imagine the difference this technology would make in the hands of those who know how to use it. Another element in this unlevel playing field is the Education ecosystem itself. Schools in many tier-2 and tier-3 cities, towns, and villages have challenges related to the availability of technical labs; moreover, AI education is far from embedded into the education system, and teachers and educators are not adequately trained or equipped to guide students on these emerging technologies. Majority of these models are trained in English though that is changing lately by the emergence of native Indian models and inclusion of Indian languages in mainstream models’ training data, but still, the volume of knowledge base available in English language in the training data is vast when compared to other languages. So, writing prompts in English is the default choice if someone wants to extract insights on any given issues. Plus, prompts and engagements from users all over the world enrich the training data available in English. In essence, students who have completed senior secondary education in Hindi, Marathi, Tamil, Telugu and Assamese or any other language other than English may find a steeply inclined learning curve when it comes to catching up in the AI space. International schools in tier-1 cities like Gurgaon and Mumbai, ed-tech companies and coaching institutions are already taking initiatives in these areas to give their students an edge in the hyper-competitive entrance exam domain. They have means to buy expensive subscription for their students that has more services like image and content generation. The concern here is that technology is evolving at a pace that our education system can never catch up with and it presents a risk not only to our society but it has long-term consequences to our economy, safety and development. One sometimes find it ironic that government officials like District collectors, Magistrates and Police Commissioners are essentially selected on virtue of clearing an exam or two that has little to do with individual abilities like leadership, teamwork or communication skills. People worry about AI regarding more near-term problems such as job losses but it is changing the way we learn, rationalize and think. Countries that embrace this technological revolution will reap tremendous benefits for their citizens. We need to rethink the exam system as a whole; it has to go through an underlying transformation towards learning based structure rather than an exam-ranking system. (Author works in the AI field and holds an MBA from INSEAD)

Blog Post